Nepal’s reclusive Maoist leader

Until now, Prachanda has rarely been seen in public
The leader of Nepal’s Maoist rebels, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, 52, is better known under his nom-de-guerre of Prachanda (Fierce One).
The former agriculture student, born in the Annapurna region of Nepal, is the undisputed leader of the Maoists, and supreme commander of their army.
He has led a bloody 10-year war against the monarchy in the impoverished Himalayan nation in which more than 13,000 people have been killed.
Until recently, very little was known about him. Nepalis knew Prachanda from only a couple of photographs.
The rebel leader told the BBC he has three daughters and a son, who all support the Maoist movement. His wife, whom he met through the party, is also a Maoist official.
‘School-teacher’
In the past, Nepali journalists would from time to time interview Prachanda’s widowed father, who himself had not seen his son for years.
The rebel leader was rarely seen in public and is believed to have frequently slipped between India and Nepal, over the long, porous border.

The Maoists derive their inspiration from Peru’s Shining Path rebels
But when he gave his first ever television interview, to the BBC in January, Prachanda looked more like the school teacher he once was - moustached, bespectacled and with a slight paunch.
The BBC’s Charles Haviland, who conducted the interview, said he came across as surprisingly mild-mannered and shy - more humorous than intimidating and without the charisma of some revolutionary leaders.
All this stands in sharp contrast to the perception of him as a ruthless leader responsible for executions and terrorising swathes of Nepal’s population.
His number two, Baburam Bhattarai, with a cloth cap and eagle eyes, and often seen flanking Prachanda, fits much more easily with the traditional view of what revolutionaries should look like.
But in a sign that his mild-manner could well conceal a tough interior, a year ago Prachanda expelled Dr Bhattarai and his wife from the party for accusing him of being power-hungry.
It took months for him to be reinstated.
Puritanical
The Maoists participated in the country’s first parliamentary elections in 1991 but their disenchantment with political squabbling and anger at the plight of the rural poor prompted them to take up arms.
Prachanda derived his inspiration from Peru’s Shining Path rebels and dreamt of setting up a communist republic.
He envisaged the erosion of class, caste and gender barriers.
But he has also been described as puritanical, outlawing alcohol, gambling and “vulgar literature” from India and the United States.
But as talks with the government are under way there are signs that he may be willing to compromise - even perhaps on the contentious issue of accepting a role for the king of Nepal if that is the will of the people.

2008-07-02,Wednesday

हिजो के थिएँ, म आज के भएँ ! सम्झेर ल्याउँदा मेरो हृदय सात चिरा परेर धुरुधुरु रुन्छ । हेर्दाहेर्दै, कहाली लाग्दालाग्दै म राजनीतिको गरिमामय शिखरबाट तल फोहोर फेदीमा झ्वाम्मै खसेँ । आफू परियो नास्तिक, इहलोकमा ‘हे हरि’ भनेर दुःखमा सहारा खोज्ने आधारसमेत मेरो केही रहेन । उदास जुँगामा हतास औँलाले ताउ लगाउँदै म घोत्लिन्छु, अढाइ करोड नेपालीमा सबैभन्दा अभागी जीव हामी दुईजना रहेछौँ । ज्ञानेन्द्र शाह र म माधवकुमार नेपाल । सँगसँगै यता मेरो बल्खुदरबारको सिंहासन ढल्यो, उता ज्ञानेन्द्रको नारानहिटी दरबारको सिंहासन घोप्टियो । यता म बल्खुदरबारको गजुरबाट पतीत भएँ, उता ज्ञानेन्द्र नारानहिटी दरबारबाट निकाला भए । चुनावमा लतारिँदा मेरालागि सिंहदरबारको ढोका बन्द भयो, सिंहासनबाट पछारिँदा ज्ञानेन्द्रका लागि नारानहिटी दरबारको द्वार बन्द भयो । मेरी आमा ! बरु ज्ञानेन्द्रले त कमसेकम सानै भए पनि नागार्जुन दरबार पाएका छन्, मेरा भागमा लोकको खिसिट्युरीसिवाय केही परेकोछैन ।

सम्झेर ल्याउँदा मलाई उदेक लाग्छ, ज्ञानेन्द्र र मेरो आदि र अन्त्य एकनासको रहन गयो । मलाई महासचिव पद योग्यताले, रोलक्रमलेे आएको होइन । यो अकस्मात् हुन गएको कमरेड मदनको हत्यापछि अपुतालीमा आएको थियो । ज्ञानेन्द्रलाई श्रीपेच परम्परागत योग्यताले, रोलक्रमले आएको होइन । दाजु वीरेन्द्रका छातीमा ‘स्वचालित हतियार अकस्मात् पड्किन गई’ अपुतालीमा त्यो आएको थियो । अपुताली पाउनेले पाएको जिनिस उल्फाको धन, फुपुको श्राद्ध गरेर स्वाहा पार्छ भन्छन् । नभन्दै त्यस्तै भयो । मेरो महासचिव पद लज्जास्पद ढंगले स्वाहा भयो । ज्ञानेन्द्रको सिंहासन लज्जास्पद ढंगले स्वाहा भयो । यस घडीमा, चरम दुःखको यस घडीमा, ज्ञानेन्द्र शाह नागार्जुन दरबारमा धुरुधुरु, म माधवकुमार नेपाल कोटेश्वरको निजी निवासमा धुरुधुरु !

जब सबैतिर हारेँ, मलाई नैतिकता भन्ने चिजको झल्याँस्स याद आयो । अनि नैतिकताको मन्त्र जप्दै महासचिव पदबाट मैले राजीनामा दिएँ । यसमा मेरो भित्री सोचाइ महान् थियो । मैले राजीनामा दिएपछि मेरो सिको गर्दै मजस्ता हरुवा केपी, ईश्वर, प्रदीप, रघुहरुले पनि आ-आप\mना पार्टी-पदबाट राजीनामा देलान् । अनि खालि ठाउँमा उत्तम विचार, उत्ताल जोस र जंगी जाँगर भएका कमरेडहरु आउलान् । अनि पार्टीको जर्जर ज्यानमा प्राण सञ्चार होला । तर, त्यस्तो भएन । यी कुर्सीका कीराहरु कुर्सीमै टाँसिइरहे । त्यो देख्दा हतारिएर बित्थामा राजीनामा दिएँछु भनेर मलाई पछुतो लाग्यो । यत्रो एमाले पार्टीको नैतिकताको सगर थाम्ने जिम्मा मेरैमात्र हो र ? अरूलाई लाज नलागे पनि हुने, मैलेमात्रै किन लाज मान्नुपर्ने ? एमालेलाई लतारेर पतनको बाटोमा ओरालो लगाएको मैले एक्लै हो र ? हे हरि !

छँदाखाँदाको महासचिव पद गयो, मसँग नभएको फुर्सद मलाई आयो । पदमा छँदा बिहान भाले बास्न नपाउँदै मेरो घर-दैलोमा पार्टीभित्रका चाकरी गर्ने र चुक्ली लाउनेहरुको धुइरो लाग्थ्यो । त्यो बेला मलाई भ्याई-नभ्याई थियो । कहिले कार्यकर्ताहरुलाई ज्ञान-बुद्धि दान गर्न भेलामा गयो । कहिले नारानहिटी दरबारबाट सकारात्मक संकेत आउला कि भनेर लोभी नजरले झ्यालबाट यसो चियाएर हेर्योट । कहिले दूतावासतिरबाट उर्दी आउँदा सात काम छाडेर उतै कुद्यो । कहिले रिपोर्टर्स क्लबमा भाषण ठोक्न हेलियो । कहिले मोदनाथ प्रश्रतिको पछि लागेर सीताराम प्रसाईँका छोराको बिहाभोज डम्प\mयाउन पुग्यो । कहिले सात दलको गाँड कोराकोरमा सामेल भयो । मलाई यतै भ्याई-नभ्याई, उतै भ्याई-नभ्याई ! तर अब त्यो सब लफडो छैन । मलाई फुर्सदै फुर्सद छ । त्यसैले अचेल म गहन आत्म-समीक्षातर्फ लहसिएको छु ।

म त हारेँ, हारेँ, मेरै कार्यकालमा हाम्रो एमाले पार्टी पनि नाइटासम्मै डुब्यो । अब बाँकी डुब्न के बेर ! यो डुबान के कति कारणले भएको हो ? मलाई लाग्थ्यो, एमालेसँग जबज नाउँको दिशा दिने, उज्यालो दिने अजेय अस्त्र छ । जबजले सधैँ एमालेको भलै भलो गर्छ । तर खै त ? महाकाली सन्धि गर्दा जबजलाई इतिहासको फड्के किनारमा साक्षी राखिएकै हो । तर निहुँखोजाहाहरुले यसलाई प्वाक्क ‘राष्ट्रघाती सन्धि’ भनिदिए । एमालले चन्द बाबुसाहेबलाई प्रधानमन्त्री बनाएर शिरोपर गरेको पनि जबजलाई सोधेरै हो । तर सधैँ छिद्र खोज्नेहरुले एमालेलाई पञ्चको लगौँटी भनिदिए । सांसद किनबेचमा डट्दा, प्रभुका पाउमा दाम चढाउन निहुरिँदा वा मौसुफको त्रुटि सुच्याउन तम्सिँदा हाम्रो जबज कहाँ थियो ? यहाँनेर कसो-कसो मलाई शंका लाग्छ । कि त हामीले बीचैमा जबजलाई छाड्यौँ, कि त यी काम लाग्दैनन् भनेर जबजले हामीलाई छाड्यो । यी सब क्रियाकर्म गर्दा जबज हामीसँगै थियो भने, गोप्यरूपले मैले भन्नैपर्छ, यस्तो नाथे जबजको केही काम छैन । आखिर जबजको रटान गर्दागर्दै डुबियो त ! तर एमाले कृतघ्नहरुको पार्टी होइन । डुबियो भन्दैमा एमालेगण जबजका जो भएका गुन बिर्सँदैन । हो, हाम्रो जबज सजिलो थियो ।

यसमा ‘संविधानसभा,’ ‘गणतन्त्र,’ ‘राज्यको पुनर्संरचना,’ ‘संघीय राज्यप्रणाली,’ ‘समानुपातिक प्रतिनिधित्व,’ ‘पार्टीको आन्तरिक लोकतान्त्रीकरण’जस्ता झ्याउ-झमेलाहरु केही नै थिएनन् । कल, छल, बल जेले हुन्छ, चुनाव जित । शक्तिकेन्द्रहरुको चाकरी, स्वस्ति, पाउलागी जे जे गरेर हुन्छ, सरकारमा उक्ल । उक्ल र ‘आप\mनो गाउँ आपै“m बनाऊ’ । बस्, जबजको तत्त्व यत्ति हो । तर मूले माओवादी यी सारा झ्याउ-झमेला लिएर होहल्ला गर्दै जंगलबाट सहर पस्यो । हाम्रो एमालेको ओराली सुरु भएको माओवादीको यही बद्मासीले गर्दा हो । अनि मेरो महासचिव पद ! उप !

राजनीतिमा जबज र भ्रमको नाता के हो ? कहिलेकाहीँ मलाई यो प्रश्नले हैरान पार्छ । म सम्झन्छु, चुनाव संघारमा आइपुग्दै थियो । जताततै एमालेको जितैजितको हल्ला फैलियो । डिएफआइडी नाउँको बुद्धि र धनको घैँटो तीनहात उपxfर एमालेलाई जिताउँदै थियो । के अनुसन्धानकर्मी, के मिडिया, के विद्वान् प्राडा सबैका मुखमा एमालेको बहुमतै-बहुमत थियो । यिनका कुरा सुनेर केपी, ईश्वर, प्रदीप, रघुहरु सबै मक्ख थिए । ती चाप्लुसीको भाकामा मलाई भन्दैथिए- कमरेड ! माओवादीसँग बन्दुक छन्, जन छैनन् । कांग्रेससँग न बुद्धि छ, न जन छन् । त्यसैले मुलुकभरिका जनजति जम्मै एमालेका । कमरेड महासचिव ! आगामी सरकार एमालेको, प्रधानमन्त्री पद माधवकुमार नेपालको । बेबकुफहरु ! अरूले त मलाई बेबकुफ बनाए-बनाए, हाम्रै केपी, ईश्वर, प्रदीप र रघुहरुले पनि मलाई थाङ्नामा सुताए । अरू कागले कान लग्यो भन्ने, कान नछामी यी अल्छीतिघ्रेहरु खुरुखुरु पत्याउने । अनि मलाई पत्यार गराउन यी हत्ते हाल्ने ! बाहै्रमास काठमाडौँमा हल्लिएर बिहान दूध र काजु, बेलुका मदिरा र कबाफ उदरस्थ गरेर मुलुकै हाम्रो हो भन्दै भ्रमको सुतीखेती गरेर एमालेलाई डुबाउने माउकर्ताहरु यिनै हुन् । म त सोझो मान्छे, यिनका कुरा पत्याएरै मेरो पत्तासाफ भो । हैन, यो जबज भनेको फगत भ्रम हो त ? एमाले यसरी उँधै, उँधै र उँधै मुन्टिरहँदा हाम्रो पुज्य जबज कहाँ थियो ? मौकामा बुद्धि नदिने यो जबजलाई अझै दह्रोसँग पक्रेर हाम्रो एमाले कहाँ पुग्ने हो ?

उसो त मेरो गहन आत्म-समीक्षाबाट अर्को एउटा गुह्य पनि खुल्यो । एमालेको ट्रेड युनियन कार्यालयमा जाँदा म सधैँ प्रसन्न हुन्थेँ । बाहिर भित्तामा मनमोहनभवन लेखिएको छ । कोठैपिच्छे लाए-खाएका, सुकिला, चिल्ला र हँसमुख राजकुमार-राजकुमारीजस्ता जनहरु कम्प्युटर खोलेर बसेका छन् । एमाले ट्रेड युनियनका नेता भुईंमा खुट्टा टेक्दैनन्, जताततै पजेरोमा हुइँकिन्छन् । त्यो सब देख्दा मलाई लाग्थ्यो, जबजको दिशानिर्देशमा मुलुकको कायाकल्प भयो । मजदुर-किसान उठ्यो ! तर जब आतंकको अनुहार लिएर चुनावको नतिजा आयो, म झल्याँस्स भएँ । अरे बाबा ! मुलुकमा मैला-धैला र भोका-नाङ्गा मजदुर-किसान अझै पनि बाँकी रहेछन् । सहरको सोख र विलासको सिकारी भएर एमालेले तिनलाई बिर्सेछ । अनि एमालेलाई त्यागेर ती सब माओवादीमा छिरेछन् । यो सब अनिष्ट भइरहँदा हाम्रो जबज खै के हरिबस्याथ्यो ? अनि अहोरात्र जबजको रटान गर्ने हाम्रा उच्चपदस्थ विलासवीर कमरेडहरु !

उप\m ! मुलुकको एउटा ‘उप\m’ नागार्जुन दरबारमा, अर्को ‘उप\m’ कोटेश्वर गृहमा । मैले के त्यत्रो पाप गरेको छु र म विचरो ‘उप\m’माथि सधैँ अपमानै अपमानको यो ओइरो ! पहिले प्रधानमन्त्रीको पद देखाएर मलाई धेरैले धेरैपटक थाङ्नामा सुताएका थिए । अहिले राष्ट्रपतिको पद देखाएर मलाई उही गन्धे-थाङ्नामा सुताइरहेछन् । म यी सबको सदावहार भकुन्डो रे ! कुन दुनो सोझ्याउन हो मलाई थाहा छैन, झलनाथ खनाल म भकुन्डोरूपी माधवलाई यताबाट लात्तले हान्छन्, उताबाट प्रचण्ड मलाई लात्तले हान्छन् । अनि बीचमा केपी शर्मा ओली छिर्केदाउले म भकुन्डोलाई गिरिजाबाबुका खुट्टामा पास दिन्छन् । म यस राष्ट्रको भकुन्डे राष्ट्रपति यत्रो पनि हुन्न । जसलाई हुनु छ, भइरहोस् । जसलाई खानु छ, खाइरहोस् ।

by Netrabikram “Biplap” Chand
Member of secretariat and CC Committee, CPN (Maoist)

Our revolution is in the stage of negotiation and our party sees compromise as another aspect of the class struggle. The question has not yet been finalised whether the revolution will be accomplished through compromise or it will be pushed towards counter-revolution. There is an incessant and fierce struggle between two different world outlooks that is attracting attention nationally and internationally.
Marxism accepts the possibility of making compromises; however, it considers impossible to accomplish a revolution through too many compromises. Compromise can be useful at a point in the revolution to obtain state power, but it is impossible to secure state power for the proletarian class only through compromise. On the contrary, opportunist and reformist tendencies not only consider compromise as necessary, but consider compromise as everything. They believe that society and state power can be changed and transformed through compromise rather than through revolution, through ‘negotiationism’. These two tendencies are gradually coming to a head in our country.
Our party, the CPN (Maoist), and the Nepali Congress (NC) are at logger heads over the issue of negotiation. From the point of view of class struggle, the NC doesn’t see or believe in the necessity of a revolution in Nepal. The NC, according to its viewpoint, wants to negotiation with the CPN (M), the CPN (UML) and other parties by dividing the ministries. According to the NC’s outlook, it is enough to progress economically. Political revolution is not necessary.
According to the NC’s outlook, the logical debate and planning of revolution is an activity of extremists. They suggest that the CPN (Maoist) should not do the revolution and be satisfied with a share in the government. But the ultimate goal of the CPN (M) is Communism through a People’s Republic and through the stage of socialism. For that, the state must be under the leadership of a Communist party. Therefore, we, the Maoist, should oppose ‘negotiationism’, though we are not against making particular compromises per se.
Due to the impact of class struggle, different views on compromise and ‘negotiationism’ are surfacing within the party; this should not be a surprise. Frankly speaking, the tendency of ‘negotiationism’ is spreading like a viral disease within our party. This type of tendency developing within the party is hundred times more dangerous than the ‘negotiationism’ of the NC. This tendency, through the so called economic ‘revolution’ and power sharing seeks to end the political revolution here. We would consider that it is an extremity of ‘negotiationism’ to depend upon hostile elements by neglecting the compulsory foundations for securing state power.
The NC wants to push the country into counter-revolution. The NC desires that a scientific communist party and the proletarian revolution should sink down into status-quo establishment and into the stagnant pool of the old state. Therefore, it has put forward a seven point demand that includes the dissolution of the YCL, the PLA and a rollback of all the gains made during the Peoples War.
If CPN (M) accepts these preconditions, it can be in the government, if it doesn’t, then it cannot. The purpose of these preconditions is to push the country towards counter-revolution. To accept these conditions is to end the revolution.
We, Maoists, desire to change this compromise into revolution and strengthen the revolution against the counter-revolution. For this, we should expand the means and the foundations of the revolution. Let us consolidate the party, the PLA and the United Front and take them to a new level. Let us establish a clear political and economic outlook and take state power.
We have already dissolved our local people’s power centres. We dissolved the people’s courts and the peoples’ militia. Our co-operatives, communes, health posts and educational institutions, established during the war, are now becoming weaker. In this situation, if we accept the seven-point demand of NC, directly or indirectly, we would declare that the revolution is over. A big debate has not taken place on it, but a tendency considers that it will make no difference if we accept the seven-point demand of the NC. The tendency to be liberal towards these demands is not a revolutionary tendency; it helps the interests of the NC.
Compromise is an unusual condition for revolution. Things seem peaceful in the period of agreement and negotiation but it is just an illusion. Two rival thoughts, tendencies and forces are fighting terribly behind a thin curtain. They both are trying to win under the cover of compromise. Each wants to destroy the other; one becomes bigger than the other, a process of swallowing begins. When the one about to be swallowed isn’t safe, then it breaches the norms of accord and begins to protect itself through struggle. If protecting itself becomes impossible by defending itself, it is obliged to start the confrontation between revolution and counter-revolution. Then the compromise will end and the balance of two opposed forces breaks down. This has happened previously in our country. Until now, the NC and the imperialists thought that they would be able to destroy the CPN (M) before the election. The masses and the fraternal parties and organisations of the world had thought that somewhere the CPN (M) would be swallowed! But in the election, the people protected the CPN (M) like their own children, and the NC and the imperialists failed in their mission. As a result, the NC has now put forward its seven point demand. We have defeated the NC in the election, but if we cannot protect the revolution, we will be ruined in no time. This conflict, indeed, is related to the series of compromises we have made. Now, we should direct our attention towards the defence of the revolution by ending the situation of compromise.
The issue of compromise is a common issue related to the world revolution, if we accept that the Nepalese revolution is a part of the world revolution. If we want to learn the lessons from communist states of the past century, the issue of compromise must be a common topic for all the revolutionaries of the world. It means that we should think deeply and develop a new ideology and knowledge to solve the problems before us and for the protection of the Nepalese revolution. Even though it has not been enough to tackle , the present necessities and possibilities to this date, we have been encouraged by the suggestions and participation of the RIM committee, the RCP and the CPI (Maoist).
In short, compromise is possible in a revolution, but revolution is not possible only through compromise. The imperialists and reactionaries want to push the revolution towards counter revolution, but revolutionary communists want to change the compromise into revolution. The conspiracy to change compromise into counter revolution is vigorously going on in Nepal. We should make this conspiracy fail by uniting the revolutionary forces of the world. Fighting against the reactionary forces, we should defeat them. Any revolution in any part of the world is a part of the world revolution. Likewise, any compromise also a part of the world revolution. Therefore, the revolutionaries of the world should make a joint effort to change the compromise into revolution. Revolution is compulsory but the ‘negotiationism’ is impossible.

- Dipak Sapkota
A large group from the Communist Organisation of Greece (KOE); including the General Secretary of KOE, Rudi Rinaldi, members of the secretariat, members and supporters of the KOE that included engineers, workers, company employees, students, teachers, and anthropologists came in the second week of June to show solidarity with and learn from the Nepalese revolution.
General Secretary Rudi said that after the Maoist victory in CA election, Nepal and the Maoist movement started getting media attention in the West: “Before the election, the Western Media didn’t even mention Nepal, but when the Maoist won the election, they were obliged to state something.”
The Greek delegation went to the Chitwan cantonment of the People’s Liberation Army. All the visitors were very proud and happy to meet the PLA. The group were given a tour of the cantonment and had an interaction with members of the PLA. The PLA were also much enthused to meet Greek Communists, and the PLA soldiers were very happy to know that even as far away as Greece people respected their stuggle. The KOE delegation presented some gifts from Greece, including a disc of Greek revolutionary songs. For the General Secretary it was very emotional and he thinks that the `Nepali people have a very strong weapon in the struggle against reactionaries, expansionist and imperialist. ‘

Before returning back to Greece, the Greek group met with Chairman Prachanda and other party central leaders. On the occasion, General Secretary Rudi presented a gift to Chairman Prachanda that symbolises the Greek civilisation. Expressing his happiness at meeting with the Maoist leadership, Rudi said it was an honour to meet the leaders of one of the successful revolutions in the world. Maoist Chairman Prachanda said the Nepali revolution had developed a new model after studying the experience of revolutions in 21st century.
Nikos Taviris was impressed in his first hour in Kathmandu. He saw Maoist posters and slogans on the walls. He found the Nepali people smiling and optimistic about the future, which he thinks is the result of Maoist revolution: “After the republic, people think they have a way out. If people think there is a future, they can do a lot of things.”
Yannis Triantafillou, a computer programmer, was impressed at the unity and the relation between the Maoist party and the masses.
Yiota Tzani saw a Red Army for the first time in her life, which she found very impressive. She was also delighted to see red flags, posters, slogans on the wall everywhere in the city. She also found out that Nepali people had a strong connection with the party. Axhikkeas Stavtou, a student, was impressed that the CPN-M had done a great job to expand its work to the every level of the society. As the KOE is trying to organise people in Greece, the experiences of Nepal, the tactics of the party, are worth learning.
Merina Bresta, who works in a company in Greece, thinks that when she will go back she will tell the people of Greece and Europe that the first revolution in the 21st century is happening in Nepal. She said: “This is the best example how things can be changed for a better world. She also hopes that Nepali revolution will win soon.
Nepal and Greece are very different in terms many aspect. Giorgos Papathanasiou, who is studying civil engineering, spoke on the differences between the two countries. He thinks that Communists in Greece need to fight against capitalism, whereas Nepali Communists have to fight against feudalism.
Many Nepali people, especially youth, look towards the West. They think the solution to their problems lies there. Many youth have a dream to go to Europe and the US. But many people in the West are looking towards the East and towards the Himalayas. Isn’t it strange? Why are the people who are aspiring for a better world looking towards the Himalayas? The student organization secretary of the KOE, Costas Costopoulos, thinks: `the revolution of Nepal is very important for all the people all around the world.’ He further said: `I think it’s a lot for us to see and hope from the struggle of Nepal.”
The journalist Stelios is impressed with friendliness of the Nepali people. He found Nepali people very tolerant. Chris Katsoulas, a member of the KOE secretariat, said that although Nepal is far behind Greece economically, they had a desire to see the revolution of Nepal, and they were pleased to be in Nepal. He thinks that despite the differences between two countries, the international language of struggle is same.

The film is based on Solomon’s book of the same name published in 2005.

Part 1

Part 2

The truth about Canadian peacekeeping has been distorted, lied about and covered-up for many reasons. Since the reality about these missions has been often so distorted, Canadians are led to believe that Canada is a peaceful country that has done no harm in the world. Canada’s real role in peacekeeping has been that of securing strategic areas for its imperialist allies and securing its own economic or political interests.

The United Nations (UN) “peacekeeping” missions are widely thought of as an international effort involving an operational force to promote the ending of armed conflict or the resolution of long-standing disputes. But why then have certain areas of the world been concentrated on for peacekeeping, while others have been completely forgotten? Why has the Canadian Forces been subject to cover-ups over its operations during the 1990s? Why are places like Afghanistan (the subject of the articles in this publication) no better off than they were before Canada’s forces entered its borders?

This document will detail many different peacekeeping missions as well as Canada’s Joint Task Force II. This is of course, not a complete history of Canadian peacekeeping but it is focused on the missions many will call the “great milestones in Canadian history”, as well as those missions many would like to forget. (more…)

Nepalgunj, Sep 9/ CPN-Maoist chairman Prachanda on Saturday directed party cadres to be ready for another revolution. He was addressing a workshop of the Tharuwan Rajya Samiti (TRS) in Bhurigaun of Bardiya. Some 500 key TRS leaders and cadres including district presidents, secretaries, committee members and office-bearers of TRS’ sister organisations are attending the workshop that will continue tomorrow also.
Prachanda said revolution was necessary as the government had still not laid the foundation for the constituent assembly election. “The CA can’ be set up under pressure. Therefore, be ready for another revolution,” he said.
Prachanda said that within 10 days the Maoists would try and arrive at a fresh agreement with the seven political parties. Failing this, the Maoists will start their revolution from September 18. He added that unless the political aims were fulfilled, there was no point setting up the constituent assembly. (more…)

In the USA 2.2 million people in detention

In comparison with other countries, there are relatively few prison inmates in Germany. For every 100,000 inhabitants there are 94 prisoners, according to a study released on Wednesday by German Economy Institute in Cologne based on numbers compiled by the University of London. The average number of prisoners for all the member countries of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) is 276 prisoners per 100,000 inhabitants.

Among the countries having fewer prisoners than Germany are, according to the study, Greece with 90 prisoners per 100,000 inhabitants, France (85), Sweden (82), Denmark (77) and Finland (75). The lowest ratio was in Japan with 62 prisoners per 100,000 inhabitants. The unquestioned front runner in the number of prisoners is the USA, where numerous private businesses are paid by the state for locking up and exploiting people: out of 100,000 inhabitants, the investigation revealed, there are 737 incarcerated, 500 more than in Poland, the country with the second highest prisoner ratio. Altogether therefore in the USA 2.2 million people sit in detention.

Also, internationally, the extent of utilization of the prisons differs sharply according to the Cologne scientists’ report. German penal institutions have a utilization ratio of 97 per cent. The critical need is dramatic in Greece. There the overcapacity rate of prisons is 179 per cent. Likewise Hungary clearly has more prisoners than detention places with a utilization rate of 140 per cent, Italy* (139 per cent) and Spain (134 per cent). Prisons in the USA are also overcrowded with a 108 per cent utilization rate. The overloading of institutes for detention is also, in the opinion of experts, a cause for outbreaks of violence among the prisoners. Besides, it worsens the conditions for re-socialization of the prisoners.

पम्फा भुसाल, केन्द्रीय सदस्य, नेकपा -माओवादी)

० संविधानसभा निर्वाचनको मुखैमा आएर २२ बुंदे माग अघि सारेर आन्दोलनका कार्यक्रम किन र्सार्वजनिक गर्नुभएको -
- सात राजनीतिक दल र नेकपा माओवादीबीच भएका विभिन्न सम्झौता, सहमतिबमोजिम सरकार चल्नुपर्ने हो, त्यसो हुन सकेन । तत्कालीन सहमतिबमोजिम जेठ मसान्तभित्र संविधानसभा निर्वाचन सम्पन्न गर्न हामी सरकारमा गएका थियौं । तर विविध प्राविधिक कारण देखाएर निर्वाचनलाई पर धकेल्ने प्रयास सरकारद्वारा निर्वाचन आयोगमार्फ भयो । त्यो सार्नुको कुनै कारण छैन । त्यसकारण विनाकारण निर्वाचनको भविष्य अनिश्चित गर्दै जाने हो भने आन्दोलनको विकल्प छैन । संविधानसभा निर्वाचनमार्फ जनतालाई र्सार्वभौमसत्ता सम्पन्न बनाउने, मुलुक गणतन्त्रात्मक बनाउने लक्ष्यमा अगाडि बढेको बेला मंसिरमा पनि निर्वाचन हुने ग्यारेन्टी नभएपछि २२ बुंदे पर्ूवाधार तय गरेका हौं । जुन संविधानसभा निर्वाचनका लागि अत्यन्तै आवश्यक छन् ।
० यो पर्ूवाधारले कसरी सुनिश्चित गर्छ त संविधानसभा निर्वाचनलाई -
- हामीले २२ बुंदे पर्ूवाधारमा जे-जे उल्लेख गरेको भए पनि संविधानसभा निर्वाचनविरुद्ध थुप्रै शक्तिहरु लागिपरेका छन् । रायमाझी आयागले दोषी ठहर्‍याएकालाई कारबाही नगरेसम्म, सदनबाट गणतन्त्र घोषणा नहुंदासम्म र समानुपातिक निर्वाचन प्रणाली तय नगरिंदासम्म निर्वाचन बिथोल्ने शक्ति दिनप्रतिदिन मजबुत बन्दै जाने निश्चित छ । देशी-विदेशी प्रतिक्रियावादी शक्तिकेन्द्रले विभिन्न नामधारण गरेर तर्राईमा मच्चाइएको हिंसा होस् वा राजनीतिक प्रोपोगण्डा, हरेक कोणबाट निर्वाचन बिथोल्ने प्रयास भइरहेका छन् । त्यसका लागि हामीले सदनबाटै गणतन्त्र घोषणा गर्नुपर्दछ भनेका छौं ।
० संविधानसभा निर्वाचनको सुनिश्चितताका लागि भनेर ल्याइएका २२ बुंदे पर्ूवाधार सरकारमा बसेर तयार गर्न सकिन्नथियो र सरकार छाड्छौं भन्नुभएको -
- हामी जेठ मसान्तभित्र संविधानसभा निर्वाचन सम्पन्न गर्ने लक्ष्यसहित अन्तरिम सरकारमा गएका हौं । १० वर्षो जनयुद्धको जगमा भएको २०६२-०६३ को जनआन्दोलनको म्यान्डेट पनि तुरुन्तै संविधानसभा निर्वाचन सम्पन्न गरी गणतन्त्र स्थापना गर्ने थियो । तर सरकारको नेतृत्व गर्ने कांग्रेसभित्र भएको राजमोह र साम्राज्यवादीका षड्यन्त्रका कारण निर्वाचन सार्ने काम भयो । त्यतिबेला नै हामीले ‘नोट अफ डिसेन्ट’ लेखिसकेका थियौं । मंसिरमा निर्वाचन हुन्छ भनेपछि हामी सरकारमा रहिरहेका छौं । हामी सरकारमा बसेर गरेको लडाइंले सरकारमा बसेर भन्दा सडकबाट नै दबाब र आधार तयार गरिनुपर्ने रहेछ भन्ने लागेको छ । हाम्रो एक्लो प्रयासले मात्रै संविधानसभा निर्वाचन नहुने रहेछ भन्ने लागेपछि हामी सरकारमा बसिरहनुको अर्थ रहन्न । हजारौंको बलिदानीबाट संविधानसभा र गणतन्त्रको नारा स्थापित गर्‍यौं । हामी बसेरै सरकार संविधानसभा र गणतन्त्रका लागि तयार हुंदैन भने हामी सरकारमा किन बस्ने - त्यसकारण सरकारमा बसेर निर्वाचन सम्पन्न हुनसक्ने सम्भावना नदेखेपछि सरकार छाड्ने भनेका हौं । (more…)

AWTW/ The Committee of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement learned with anger and outrage of the arrest in the Netherlands of Jose-Maria Sison by the Dutch authorities. Comrade Sison was the founding Chairman of the Communist Party of the Philippines in 1968 and has remained a life-long opponent of imperialism and reaction and leader of the Filipino people’s struggles. It is for these reasons and no other that comrade Sison has been hounded by successive reactionary governments in the Philippines. US imperialism and the European Union have also tried to stick the “terrorist” label on comrade Sison, despite the fact that the struggle he has been associated with in the Philippines is widely known, even by the reactionary news media, to have the support of millions of Filipinos from all walks of life.

The arrest of comrade Sison is not only a major blow to the struggle of the Filipino people, it is also an attack on the thousands of revolutionaries and other political activists from around the world who have settled in Europe because of severe political persecution in their home countries. If the Dutch authorities succeed in bringing comrade Sison to trial, it will have ominous, more widespread implications.

The CoRIM, on behalf of the entire Revolutionary Internationalist Movement, calls upon all communist, revolutionary and progressive forces and individuals to raise their voices in protest to demand that the Dutch authorities release Jose-Maria Sison, drop all charges, and cease their political persecution of him.

Committee of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement
30 August 2007

वसन्त पोखरेल

पर्ूर्वी नेपालमा श्रीमान् र श्रीमतीबीचको झगडाले झण्डै छ घण्टा राजमार्ग बन्द गरियो । श्रीमान्ले रक्सीको तालमा श्रीमती पिटेछ । श्रीमतीको आफू आबद्ध भएको महिला संगठनमा गएर उजुरी दिइन् । श्रीमान्लाई झिकाइयो । श्रीमान् पनि त्यसरी लत्रक्कै गल्नेवाला परेन । बहस अगाडि बढ्यो । दर्ुइ गुट बन्यो । विवाद चर्कियो । त्यसपछि सुरु भयो चक्काजाम । अन्त्यमा सहमति भएपछि चक्काजाम खुल्यो । हजारांै यात्रु ६ घण्टा अलपत्र परे । यही भदौ १४ गतेको घटना हो यो । नेपालको जनजीवनको अहिले कुन ढंगबाट अघि बढ्दै गएको छ भन्ने यो सानो नमूना हो । यो हड्तालले गिनिजबुकमा स्थान पाउँंछ पाउन्न थाहा भएन तर , अराजकताको यो पराकाष्ठा भने पक्कै हो ।
कुनै पनि घट्ना भयो भने हाम्रो आँखा पात्रमा जान्छ । जसले यस्तो कार्य गर्छ त्यसलाई हामीले दोष दिएका हुन्छौं । हाम्रो नजरिया यस्तै छ तर, यो घट्नालाई हामीले पात्रमा लगेर जोड्नुको साटो यदि राज्य व्यवस्थासँग जोड्यो भने त्यसको उत्तर पाइन्छ । जस्तैः सरकारी वार्ता टोलीका संयोजक रामचन्द्र पौडेल र मधेसी जनअधिकार फोरम नेपालका संयोजक उपेन्द्र यादव भएर हालै २२ बुँदे सम्झौता गरे । त्यसको एउटा बुँदामा भनिएको छ -ँमाओवादीद्वारा कब्जा गरिएका घर-जग्गा र सम्पत्ति फिर्ता गर्ने-गराउने क्रम जारी रहेको र उनीहरूद्वारा कब्जा गरिएका हातहतियार समेत हकवालालाई फिर्ता गराउने कार्यलाई तदारूकताका साथ अगाडि बढाउने …।’ माओवादीको सर्न्दर्भमा वार्तामा यस्तो बुँदामा सम्झौता गर्ने, त्यो पनि माओवादीको अनुपस्थिततिमा र असहमतिमा कसरी वार्ता टोलीले हिम्मत गर्न सक्यो । यो बुँदालाई माओवादीले सहर्षस्वीकार गर्‍यो भने त ठीकै छ, माओवादी पार्टर्ीी हैसियत यस्तै रहेछ भनेर बुझिएला, यदि यसलाई सो पार्टर्ीी आफ्नो प्रतिष्ठानको विजय बनाई विरोधमा उत्रियो भने त्यसले कस्तो ँमोड’ ल्याउला - यस्तो घृष्ठता गर्ने प्राधिकार वार्ता टोलीले कहाँबाट पायो - (more…)

A Philippine communist leader accused of commanding a rebel uprising for more than 20 years from his home in exile was arrested by Dutch police Tuesday, suspected of ordering the murder of two former allies in his home country, prosecutors said.

Jose Maria Sison, founder of the Communist Party of the Philippines and its armed wing, the New People’s Army, was picked up in the central Dutch city of Utrecht, authorities said. He was due to appear in a Hague court on Friday.

He was accused of ordering the killings in 2003 and 2004 of Romulo Kintanar and Arturo Tabara, who were gunned down in the Philippines on Sison’s command, said a statement the Public Prosecutor’s Office.

Spokesman Wim de Bruin said Sison, 68, will be put on trial in the Netherlands, not the Philippines.

“There is no extradition request,” De Bruin said. “These are crimes that were committed in the Netherlands. Ordering murders is a crime according to Dutch law.” (more…)

Indian Maoist ambush on policemen in the forests of Dantewada in which at least 12 security personnel were killed shows how Naxalites, despite the heavy security dragnet in the area, are able to quickly cobble together attack squads of more than 100 combatants.

The security team was on its way to secure an area at Tarmekla village in Jagargunda, where the Naxals had blocked construction of a road. “The team comprising Chhattisgarh Armed Force, SPOs and cops was divided into two groups. The Maoists hiding in the area ambushed the rear party and opened fire on them,” DGP Vishwaranjan said. There was heavy exchange of fire during which the police party got fragmented and scattered in the forests. When the cops regrouped, 15 of their men were missing and were presumed dead. Later in the day, three policemen returned to the camp.

“Though 25 securitymen returned to the Jagargunda police station by evening, 12 of them, including Jagargunda SHO Hemant Kumar, were killed in the attack,” the DGP said. Three policemen were wounded in the gunbattle. The guerrillas also looted sophisticated weapons like AK-47s, SLRs and .303 rifles, police sources said.
In another incident, Naxalites set a Chhattisgarh State Electricity Board’s truck on fire in Nukanpal village under the Avapalli police station in Bijapur district.

Naxalites have targeted security personnel venturing into the forests, essentially to prevent them from setting up strongholds inside their areas. But the Red guerrillas also regularly hit development works to prevent interior villages from getting connectivity to the outside world. (more…)

Present journalists,

First of all, we heartily welcome the entire journalists and other masses present in this press conference organized to make public the important decisions adopted by the recently concluded Fifth Expanded Meeting of the central committee of our glorious party the CPN (Maoist) that has been playing a leading role in the campaign of building a new democratic republic of Nepal. We are immensely feeling glory and pleasure to have had this opportunity of publicizing here the summary of the historic fifth expanded meting decisions synthesized as ‘great unity and great victory’.

1. The latest fifth expanded meeting of the central committee organized in the chain of expanded meetings that had had immense importance in the history of the CPN (Maoist) had been accomplished grandiosely from August 3 to August 8, 2007 in Balaju Industrial Area, Kathmandu.

a) The meeting was inaugurated amid applause by Chairman Comrade Prachanda by lighting a lamp at 4 PM on the third of August 2007 in the Martyrs Memorial Building. In the inaugural session that had begun by paying heartfelt homage to the great martyrs of the great people’s war and the mass movement, various senior comrades and advisors of the party, shedding light on the importance of the expanded meeting, had presented meaningful statements.

b) Altogether there were 2,174 comrades comprised of the central committee members of the party to the secretariat members of the district committee, to the general branch secretary of the PLA, central office bearers of mass and frontal organizations and invited members. Of them, there were 1,672 comrades from 75 districts, 455 from 7 divisions of the PLA, 40 from India, 5 from Europe and 2 from Hong Kong. It was the biggest gathering so far in our party history. (more…)

Hala Dimechkie Makdisi

Zionism was established at the end of the 19th century to solve the so-called “Jewish Problem” resulting from centuries of persecution of the Jews in Europe. Palestine was chosen because it was considered the “historical homeland” of the Jews even though the Jews spent less than 100 years in historic Palestine some 3,000 years ago.

INTENT

As early as 1885, the founder of the World Zionist Organization, Theodore Herzl expressed his intentions for the Arabs of Palestine. They were to be denied employment and pushed across the frontiers – but this was to be done discretely. There was no room for both Arabs and Jews. This was because the Zionists wanted the land for themselves. They wanted a Jewish homeland capable of absorbing the “millions” of Jews and so that the Jewish question would be solved once and for all. The Zionists succeeded in having the Balfour Declaration signed in 1917, which approved the establishment in Palestine for a national home for the Jewish people.

When the King-Crane Commission was set up on August 28, 1919 by President Wilson of the USA “to determine which power should receive the Mandate for Palestine”[2], a number of recommendations were made based on observations, research and scholarship. Based on its observations, the Commission noted that “the Zionists looked forward to a practically complete dispossession of the present non-Jewish inhabitants of Palestine” and that “no British officer, consulted by the Commissioners, believed that the Zionist program could be carried out except by force of arms.”[3] (more…)

मुलुकको सङ्क्रमणकालीन अवस्थाको अन्त्य र जनआन्दोलनका उपलब्धि संस्थागत गर्न संविधानसभाको निर्वाचन मङ्सिरमा सम्पन्न गर्नु जरुरी छ, त्यस अनुरूप निर्वाचन आयोगले तयारी पनि गरिरहेको छ तर तपाईंहरूले चुनाव नजिकिइरहेको बेला सडक सङ्र्घष्ाको घोषणा गर्नुभयो, के माओवादीले मङ्सिरमा चुनाव नचाहेको हो -
ँ त्यो हुँदै होइन, हामी संविधानसभाको निर्वाचन जसरी पनि सफलतापर्ूवक सम्पन्न होस् भन्ने चाहन्छौं । यहाँ संविधानसभाको निर्वाचन नहोस्, त्यसले सफलता नपाओस् भन्ने तìवहरू छन् । संविधानसभाका बाधकका रूपमा रहेका ती तìवलाई यथावतै राखेर निर्वाचन हुन्छ जस्तो हामीलाई लाग्दैन । निर्वाचन जसरी पनि सम्पन्न गर्नुपर्छ र त्यसका लागि अवरोधक तìवहरूलाई पन्छाउनर्ुपर्छ भन्ने हाम्रो भनाइ हो ।

संविधानसभाका अवरोधक तत्त्वहरू के के देख्नुभएको छ -
ँ पहिलो, संविधानसभाको पहिलो अवरोधक राजतन्त्र नै हो । त्यसकारण संविधानसभा निर्वाचनको वातावरण बनाउन राजतन्त्रको अन्त्य र गणतन्त्रको घोषणा गरिनर्ुपर्छ । दोस्रो कुरा, वर्तमान सरकारको नेतृत्व एकाधिकारवादी ढङ्गको छ, त्यहाँ सच्याई सबैको सहमतिका आधारमा सरकार सञ्चालन गरिनर्ुपर्छ । एकलौटी रूपमा सरकार सञ्चालन गरिनु हुँदैन । तेस्रो कुरा, जनताका समस्या, उनीहरूका आवाजलाई सम्बोधन गरिनर्ुपर्छ-तर्राईमा थुप्रै समस्या छन्, जनजातिका समस्या छन्, विभिन्न जनवर्गीय सङ्गठनका समस्या छन्, यी यावत् समस्यालाई सम्बोधन गरिनर्ुपर्छ । चौथो, निर्भय र निष्पक्षरूपमा चुनाव सम्पन्न गर्न शान्तिसुरक्षाको वातावरण सुनिश्चित गरिनर्ुपर्छ ।

राजाका सवालमा संविधानसभाको पहिलो बैठकबाट निर्ण्र्ाालिने सहमतिका साथ अन्तरिम संविधानमा व्यवस्था भइसकेपछि फेरि किन व्यवस्थापिका संसद्बाट गणतन्त्र घोषणा गरिनर्ुपर्छ भन्दै हुनुहुन्छ -
ँ संविधानसभाको निर्वाचन जेठमा गर्ने सहमतिअनुसार राजाका बारेमा संविधानसभाको पहिलो बैठकबाट निर्ण्र्ाागर्ने भनिएको हो, जेठमा निर्वाचन सम्पन्न भएको भए यो कुरा उठ्ने थिएन । जेठमा चुनाव गर्नसकिने स्थिति थियो तर माओवादीका पक्षमा जन उभार देखेर त्यो अवधि टारियो । र्टार्नका लागि राजतन्त्र र वैदेशिक शक्तिबाट पनि थुप्रै चलखेल भएको हामीलाई लाग्छ । त्यसकारण तोकिएको समयमा चुनाव नभएपछि परिस्थिति बदलियो । राजतन्त्रबाट चलखेलका प्रक्रिया धेरै अगाडि बढेर गए, त्यसैले यो स्थितिमा गणतन्त्र घोषणा हुनर्ुपर्छ हामीले भनेका हौं । (more…)

Kathmandu, Aug. 24: The CPN-Maoist, in an effort to solicit suggestions and muster support of civil society and the people for its 22-point demands that were announced a few days ago as the pre-conditions for the constituent assembly election, organised a massive interaction programme in the capital on Friday in which the Maoist leadership vowed to launch a decisive struggle to abolish monarchy and establish a democratic republic.

“We are in the historic process of holding the constituent assembly election, which is a great opportunity for the Nepalese people to shape the fate and future of the country but there are equally strong challenges and hurdles before us in accomplishing the goal of creating a new Nepal,” said Maoist chairman Prachanda.

He said that the feudal elements under the patronage of monarchy are the biggest hurdle in holding free and fair constituent assembly election and abolition of monarchy and declaration of a republic was a must prior to the CA election. The Maoist supremo, however, believed that such hurdles could be easily overcome only through the united efforts of the political forces and the people.

The Maoists had earlier unveiled 22-point demands as the condition for ensuring the smooth conduct of the constituent assembly election and had announced that they would launch a movement if their demands were not met. The demands included, among others, abolition of monarchy, declaration of a republican set up, fully proportional representation election system and action against those who have been indicted by the Rayamajhi Commission.

In the interaction, leaders and members of civil society and professional groups had raised several issues relating to the CA election and current political situation. According to them, constituent assembly election must be held under any circumstance and the ongoing political and peace process must not be aborted.

There was unanimity that monarchy was the main hurdle but the speakers were divided on the modus operandi of the Maoist agitation. (more…)

माओवादीले घोषणा गरेको संघर्षको कार्यक्रम संविधानसभा बिथोल्न ल्याइएको भन्ने आरोप छ नि -
बच्चा जन्माउने बाबुआमाभन्दा अरूले बढी माया गर्छु भनेर कसैले पत्याउला । संविधानसभाको माग राखेर दस वर्षम्म जनयुद्वमा होमिएर हजारौं सहिदले बलिदान गरेका छन् । संविधानसभाको हाम्रो माग पूरा नगरिदिँदा हामीले दुइ-दुइपटक वार्ताबाट र्फकनुपर्यो । १० हजारभन्दा बढी मारिए ।
राजतन्त्रकै कारण २००७ सालदेखि संविधानसभा हुन नसकेको इतिहास र शान्ति सम्झौतायताको नौ/दस महिनाको अवधिले पनि राजालाई यथावत् राखेर संविधानसभा हुन सक्दैन भन्ने निष्कर्षहामीले निकालेका छौं ।

बृहत् शान्ति सम्झौतादेखि संविधान निर्माणसम्म राजाको विषयमा भएको सहमति बिर्सेगणतन्त्र र समानुपातिक प्रणालीको माग निर्वाचन भाँड्ने अत्तो भएन र ?
- पहिलो कुरा सम्झौता वा समझदारी भनेको आधा सहमति र आधा विमतिको दस्तावेज हो । अन्तरिम संविधान गणतान्त्रिक बन्नुपर्छ भन्ने प्रस्ताव हाम्रो त्यतिबेलै पनि थियो । जेठमा संविधानसभा हुने भए ठीकै छ भनेर हामी सहमतिमा पुगेका हौं । तर तिनै राजावादीले जेठमा संविधानसभा हुन नदिएकाले हामीले गणतन्त्र घोषणाका लागि शान्तिपूर्ण संघर्षको कार्यक्रम ल्याउनुपरेको हो । (more…)

नारायणप्रसाद शर्मा
नेपाल कम्युनिष्ट पार्टर्ीीमाओवादी)ले भदौ ३ गते २२ सूत्रीय कार्यक्रम जनसमक्ष ल्याएपछि राजनीतिक वृत्तमा ठूलो तरङ्ग पैदा भएको छ । त्यसले अझ एक प्रकारको हलचल पैदा गरेको छ । नेपाली काङ्ग्रेसले आफ्नो प्रेस वक्तव्यमार्फ यसको भर्त्सना गर्दै माओवादीले संविधानसभाको चुनाव नचाहेको आरोप लगाएको छ । नेपाली काङ्ग्रेस प्रजातान्त्रिकले पनि झण्डै यस्तै प्रतिक्रिया जनाएको छ । एमालेको भाषा अलिकति नरम भए पनि आशय त्यस्तै छ ।

व्यवस्थापिका संसद्मा पनि निन्दा र प्रशंसा दुबै सुन्न पाइन्छ । पत्र पत्रिका र रेडियो एवं टि.भी.मा यही २२ बुँदाकै चर्चा परिचर्चा छ । नेकपा माओवादीको सधैँ आलोचक रही आएका पार्टर्ीीले माओवादी चुनावबाट भाग्न खोज्दैछन् भन्दैछन् भने माओवादीहरूले चुनावी वातावरणका लागि यस प्रकारको आन्दोलन अनिवार्य भन्दैछ । अध्यक्ष प्रचण्डकै शब्दमा’अहिलेको स्थितिमा राजतन्त्र कायमै राखेर संविधानसभा हुन्छ भन्नु जस्तो महाझुठ, पाखण्ड र बेइमानी अर्को हुनै सक्दैन ।

प्रश्न गम्भीर छ- माओवादीकै कारण संविधानसभाको चुनाव हुँदैन त - अथवा माओवादीले भने जस्तै अहिलेकै स्थितिमा चुनाव हुनसक्दैन या हुनु पाखण्ड नै हुन्छ त - माओवादीले २२ बुँदे माग राखेर आन्दोलनको कार्यक्रमको घोषणा गरेका छन् । व्यवस्थापिका संसद्मा २२ बुँदाको खासै चर्चा चलेन तर माओवादीको जनकारबाही भन्ने शब्दले भने धेरैलाई तर्सर्ााो छ । माओवादीहरूले जनकारवाही भनेको रायमाझी आयोगले दोषी ठहर गरेका व्यक्तिहरू अर्थात् राजावादी शक्तिहरूमाथि कारबाही हो र त्यो युद्धकालीन शैलीको होइन भनेका छन् । यसो भए पनि माओबादीका कट्टर आलोचकहरू यसबाट तर्सर्ेेे पक्कै हो ।

आखिर के छ त माओवादीको २२ बुँदामा - २२ बुँदा आउनुअघि १८ बुँदा आइसकेका हुन् । त्यतिबेला मन्त्रिपरिषद्मा नेपाली काङ्ग्रेसका ११ बुँदा, एमालेको १० बुँदा र माओवादीका १८ बुँदासहित ४३ बुँदा छन् । सबै बुँदालाई सँगै राखेर तत्काल मिलनबिन्दुको खोजी गर्ने प्रयास गरेका भए सायद यति ठूलो हलचल पैदा हुने थिएन कि - पछि थपिएका ४ बुँदा पनि एकदमै सुनिँदै नसुनिएका बुँदा त हैनन् तथापि आन्दोलनमा उत्रने र जनव्रि्रोहको कुराले प्रतिपक्षमा खलबली मच्चिएकै छ । (more…)

The government in Nepal has decided to take over the palaces and properties of the King, who has already been deprived of most of his powers by the Parliament, including the coveted title of the Supreme Commander of the Nepal Army.

A high-level ministerial committee today decided to register seven palaces including the Narayanhiti Royal Palace, Lamjung Durbar, Gorkha Durbar,Hanumandhoka Durbar, Nuwakot Durbar, Lalitpur Durbar, and Bhaktapur that are being used by the King and his family members in the name of the government of Nepal.

According to minister Hisila Yami, the committee decided to register the palaces and 1500 ropanis of land belonging to the King in the name of the government.

The committee also decided to seal all bank accounts of the King, Queen and Crown Prince to stop all transactions of money transferred from the late King Birendra and late Queen Aishwarya, The Himalayan Times Online reported today.

The government has also directed the authorities to remove all photographs and slogans valourising the monarch from the military headquarters and other buildings of the army.

The Nepal Army has started removing pictures of King Gyanendra and Queen Komal and slogans praising the monarch following a directive of the government, a Nepal Army spokesperson said.

In the wake of protests from civil society and other groups, the interim government led by Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala on Sunday ordered the Ministry of Defence to direct the Nepal Army headquarters to remove all photographs and slogans valourising the King, the official said.

Slogans in praise of the King and queen in the headquarters premises have already been covered as it takes sometime to wash out the paintings and repaint them, an army official said.