http://krishnasenonline.org/Bulletin/international.html

It is big news in Nepal these days that Maoist Party is striving very hard to develop its foreign relations. They also make their assessments that it has achieved tremendous success in this regard. The visits made by some of the leaders of our Party to foreign countries and our bilateral talks with the official delegations of various countries including our immediate neighbor and a tested long time friend of our country, China is being cited as the examples. This short article relates to the same subject.

Yes it is true that we are striving very hard to develop and strengthen our foreign relation. During the period of People’s War the regime had declared our party a terrorist organization and had approached most of the governments of the world. Based on their relation with the regime some of the governments had listed our party as terrorist organization and some though did not listed but treated us as terrorists. In such circumstances it was not possible for us to develop any king of relation and ties with us. When we negotiated with parliamentary parties to launch a joint mass movement against the autocratic monarchy with the aim of establishing democratic republic and made a series of negotiations including the interim legislature and interim government in which we have significant representation in both. A new political situation has emerged due to this new change in political scenario.

Therefore, our party’s international relation was confined to the relation with the fraternal and friendly revolutionary parties and organizations of different parts of the world. Because of the change in the political situation that has given rise to a new possibility of developing revolution with peaceful form of struggle we are obliged to develop state to state relations with various governments which are friendly to our nation and the process that we have decided to adopt to resolve the political crisis and way out for forward development.

We have already brought out our views in open through different mediums. Now we have two aspects of our foreign relationship: fraternal and friendly relations with Maoist and other revolutionary communist parties and organizations and side by side relation with other political forces and the governments of various countries which are friendly to our country and the people of Nepal and supporting the ongoing political process. Therefore the success of out foreign relation can be gauged through both the perspectives.

There is no such significant shift in the development of fraternal and friendly relations with the Communist forces. It is also true that we have come in touch and extended relations with new such forces. As because there is no upsurge of the revolutionary movements led by communists in the world today, this relation will have no such a magnitude to determine or influence the ongoing political developments. But it never means that it does not bear any significance. Unity of the communist revolutionaries has its own significance and deserves to be maintained and developed.

It is true that there is a significant shift in developing relation with various governments which are friendly to our country and supporting the ongoing political process in Nepal and providing help to enhance this process. Frankly speaking we have good relation with all countries of the world except the Bush administration. During the 52 minutes long discussion with the leadership of our Party, the visiting former US president Jimmy Carter opined that it was unjust not to remove the terrorist tag from our party in the given situation that we have a strong presence in the interim legislature and also in the interim government. The relation with the European countries is good enough. We have easy access with them. The recent visits of our leadership including our Chairman have enhanced this relation to further higher level. The heightened relationship of our party with the European countries will definitely create diplomatic pressure to Washington. The Bush administration is thus isolated from the world and from even within US for its flawed policy regarding its relation with our party.

Our relation with China, the immediate neighbor and long tested friend of the Nepalese people has developed enormously within short span of time. The strong statement made by the Chinese Ambassador explaining the policy of his country that ‘China would never tolerate any foreign intervention in Nepal’ at a time when we are facing a threat against the integrity of our beloved motherland is really of paramount importance, which paves the way thus demonstrating that there is ample scope in advancing our relationship at the higher level. The relationship with our other immediate neighbor India is fairly good. The support the separatist elements are enjoying from India, especially from Bihar has definitely caused some problem in Nepal. But the government of India seems not to have any role into it. Our only concern is that the government of India should use its good office to help control the bad situation in Nepal by preventing such elements from getting any support from the Indian soil.

Therefore it will be no exaggeration to say that the foreign relation of our party has been enhanced and it is developing fairly well.

By Dave Lindorff

The looming collapse of the US military in Iraq, of which a number of generals and former generals, including former Chief of Staff Colin Powell, have warned, is happening none too soon, as it my be the best hope for preventing military rule here at home.

From the looks of things, the Bush/Cheney regime has been working assiduously to pave the way for a declaration of military rule, such that at this point it really lacks only the pretext to trigger a suspension of Constitutional government. They have done this with the active support of Democrats in Congress, though most of the heavy lifting was done by the last, Republican-led Congress.

The first step, or course, was the first Authorization for Use of Military Force, passed in September 2001, which the president has subsequently used to claim-improperly, but so what? -that the whole world, including the US, is a battlefield in a so-called “War” on Terror, and that he has extra-Constitutional unitary executive powers to ignore laws passed by Congress. As constitutional scholar and former Reagan-era associate deputy attorney general Bruce Fein observes, that one claim, that the US is itself a battlefield, is enough to allow this or some future president to declare martial law, “since you can always declare martial law on a battlefield. All he’d need would be a pretext, like another terrorist attack inside the U.S.” (more…)

Flood water in southern Nepal has completely covered a district home to half a million people, forcing residents of its largest city to use boats, and swamping neighboring regions

A man walks through the flooded village

Villagers crowd into boats to be evacuated to safer areas

Villagers stand in flood waters and watch a submerged paddy field.

शान्तिको व्यवस्थापन गर्ने वा व्रि्रोहको नेतृत्व गर्नेमध्ये एक बाटो रोज्न जरुरी छ - जनार्दन शर्मा -प्रभाकर)
नेपाल पुरानो सामन्ती राज्यसत्ताको पर्ूण्ा अन्त्य र नयाँ सङ्घीय गणतान्त्रिक राज्यमा रूपान्तरणको क्रममा छ । अशान्ति भयो, स्थिरता भएन भन्ने सरकारका अधिकारीले पहिलो के कुरा बुझ्न आवश्यक छ भने त्यो किन भयो - हो, कतिपय घटना ग्ालत उद्देश्यका साथ हुनसक्छन् । कतिपय हतियार उक्साहटबाट चल्नसक्छन्, कतिपय नारा छुट्टै उद्देश्य पर्ूर्तिका लागि चल्नसक्छन् तर एउटा कुरा सत्य हो, जब जनता जाग्दछन् जब जनता उठ्छन् र आफ्ना अधिकारहरू खोज्छन् । त्यतिबेला शासक वर्गले जनतालाई अधिकार सम्पन्न गर्नको साटो दमनतिर, जालझेल तिर, षड्यन्त्र तिर लाग्छन् । त्यतिबेला ती शासकको पनि बाहेक अरू केही हुँदैन । हो, जब जनआक्रोश क्रान्तिमा फेरिन्छ, त्यसले एउटा व्रि्रोह पैदा गर्छ । त्यो व्रि्रोहलाई शासकहरूले दबाउन प्रयत्न गर्छन् । पछाडि धकल्ने प्रयास गरेर क्षणिक सफलता पनि नगर्ने होइनन् । अन्तत्वगत्वा व्रि्रोह दावानलमा भएर फैलिन्छ र शासकहरू खरानी हुन्छन् । सामाजिक स्वरूप फेरिन्छ । नयाँ युगको थालनी हुन्छ ।
आज नेपालमा जे भइरहेको छ । यो क्रान्तिको निरन्तरता हो । यसको आफ्नै पन छ, मौलिकता छ र भिन्न ढङ्गले अगाडि बढेको छ । दलित जागेका छन्, महिला उठेका छन्, मधेसी ब्युँझिएका छन्, मजदुर बढेका छन्, सबै उत्पीडित अधिकारको लागि गोलबद्ध भएका छन् । चारैतिर हेर्‍यो व्रि्रोह सल्बलाइरहेको छ । परिवर्तनको लागि एउटा अनुकूल मौसम सुक्खा मौसमबाट खण्डहर भूमिमा खण्डवृष्टि हुँदै मनसुनको मुसलधारे वषर्ामा बदलिँदा प्रकृतिमा आउने परिवर्तन जस्तै चौतर्फी व्रि्रोहको चेतना हराभरा भएको छ । एउटा आमूल परिवर्तन चाहने राजनीतिज्ञका लागि यो सन्तोषको मौसम हो, सँगसँगै मनसुन वषर्ाको सही उपयोग हुन नसके, यसले बाढीपहिरो पनि ल्याउने गर्छ । फेरि पृथ्वी चिरा परेर सुक्खा मौसमा बदलिने गर्छ ।

नेपालको वर्तमान स्थितिलाई गहिरो गरी अध्ययन गर्ने र पार्टर्ीी लगाएको टागन घोडाको छेकबारलाई उतार्ने हो भने जे भइरहेको छ यो नेपाली जनताको लामो समय धर्ैयले सीमा नाघेपछि प्रस्फुटित, दस/दस वर्षवरिपरि पैदा भएका आंशिक व्रि्रोहका भुल्काहरू हुँदै दसवर्ष जनयुद्धले फुटाएको नयाँ राजनीतिक धार र त्यसको प्रभावमा मौलाएको चेतना हो । दसवर्ष जनयुद्धभित्र अंशमा कमजोरी भए पनि मूलरूपमा जनताको राजनीतिक चेतनालाई व्रि्रोहको स्तरमा जोगाउन सफल भएको भन्दा भित्री मूल्याङ्कन गर्न सकिन्न । आज जे भइरहेको छ त्यही लामो सङ्र्घष्ा त्याग, बलिदानबाट नथाक्ने नेपाली वीरता, साहस र चेतना हो तर यो स्थिति पैदा विकसित भएपछि नयाँ समय पैदा भएको छ । वस्तुगत परिस्थितिको परिवर्तनका लागि जुन दबाब, आधार छ त्यसको सही प्रतिविम्ब राजनीतिक दल र तिनका नेताहरूमा पर्न सकिरहेको छैन । बरु उल्टो, पुरानो शासकीय मानसिकता, सत्ता मोह, लोभलालच, षड्यन्त्रपर्ूण्ा कार्यशैलीमा लिप्त हुने सामन्ती सत्ताको प्रतिछायाँ पार्टर्ीी तिनका नेतामा परेको देखिन्छ । तर्सथ हामी के भन्न सक्छौँ भने परिवर्तनको लागि अत्यन्त अनुकूल यो स्थितिलाई नेतृत्व गर्नसक्ने आत्मगत क्षमताको अभाव देखिएको छ । नेताहरूले चुनौतीको सही ढङ्गले पहिचान गर्न वैज्ञानिक विश्लेषणको अभाव छ, आत्मविश्वासको अभाव छ । आमूल परिर्वतन हुन्छ भन्ने सोच्नै नसक्ने कतिपय नेताको लागि अहिलेको परिस्थिति त्रासमय छ । मूल कुरा जनताको व्रि्रोहको व्यवस्थापन गर्न नचाहने र नसक्ने राजनीतिक दृष्टिकोण र इच्छाशक्तिको अभावले परिवर्तनको सुन्दर मौसमलाई निर्दिष्ट गर्न सकेन र यसलेे अराजकता र आपराधिक क्रियाकलापलाई परिवर्तनका नाराभित्र हर्ुकने मौका दिएको छ । जनतालाई जनताको जागरणलाई दबाउन यस खाले सोच, चिन्तन, प्रवृत्तिलाई दबाब दिन घरेलु र विदेशी प्रतिक्रियावादी शक्ति केन्द्रहरू लागेका छन् । यो उनीहरू किन लागे भन्ने भन्दा पनि जनताको अपराजय शक्तिको सही ढङ्गले सदुपयोग गर्ने नेतृत्वको अभाव हुँदा प्रतिक्रियावादीहरू स्वाभाविकरूपमा सल्बलाउँछन्, जर्ुर्मुराउँछन् । यो त समाज विज्ञानको नियम नै हो । मुख्य कुरा के हो भने जनताप्रति विश्वास गर्दै नेताहरूमा क्रान्तिका उपलब्धिको रक्षा गर्ने र त्यसलाई पर्ूण्ाता दिने आत्मविश्वास जरुरी छ ।

आज नेपालमा दस वर्षो जनयुद्धलाई र १२ बुँदे सहमतिद्वारा जनआन्दोलनसँग एकाकार पारी प्राप्त भएको उपलब्धिले जनताका अपेक्षाहरू पूरा गर्न आठ दलले प्राप्त गरेको म्यान्डेडलाई सम्बन्धित दलहरूले पार्टर्ीी स्वार्थभन्दा माथि उठेर जनता र राष्ट्रको स्वार्थबाट हर्ेन सकेनन् । नयाँ नेपाल निर्माणका लागि पुरानो राज्यसत्ताका बचेका जरा काट्ने त्यसको अवशेषको अन्त्य गरी नयाँ मोडालिटी तयार गर्नेमा एकरूपता पैदा गर्न नसक्दा सङ्क्रमणकाल लम्बिन पुग्यो । यसले सिङ्गो आन्दोलनमा नकारात्मक प्रभाव पारिरहेको छ । सङ्घीयताको प्रश्न आन्दोलनबाट जबर्जस्त स्वीकार गरे पनि यथास्थिति चाहने काँग्रेस पार्टर्ीी जसरी व्यवहारत लागू गर्न अझै अपाच्य भएको छ । गणतन्त्र आम जनताले भनि सक्दा पनि राजतन्त्रलाई पूरै फाल्न काँग्रेस तयार छैन । चुनाव प्रणालीमा सबैभन्दा वैज्ञानिक र उपयुक्त समानुपातिक प्रणालीलाई स्वीकार गरिएन । महिलाहरूलाई समानुपातिक प्रतिनिधित्व प्रदान गर्न पुरुषवादी यो सत्ता तयार भएन । क्षमता र योग्यताको अभाव देख्ने दृष्टिकोणले महिलाहरूलाई हाल प्रदान गरेको प्रतिशत पनि बढी भनिरहेको छ । दलितहरू र जनजातिलाई कसरी प्रतिस्पर्धाको समग्रस्तरमा पुर्‍याउने सोच राज्यको छैन । (more…)

Realize the dreams of innumerable Martyrs

The spring thunder of Naxalbari was a clarion call for the poor, oppressed, and exploited people of India. It showed them the path for liberation. It has been forty years since four peasant women and three children had laid down their lives in Naxalbari village while fighting for land and life with dignity – their liberation.

The Indian Communist movement had gone through many ups and downs since then. Many were the twists and turns, ups and downs in these forty years. Finally on September 21, the two streams of revolutionary Communists – the MCCI and CPI (ML)(PW) merged into CPI (Maoist) and a strong single centre to guide the movement was finally formed. In the 37 years of class struggle and people’s war of these two streams before the merger many comrades had laid down their precious lives for the victory of New Democratic Revolution in India. The soil in the remote villages of India turned red with the warm blood of these immortal martyrs. The unity of the party could be achieved only through their invaluable sacrifices. It is the base on which the party stands today and endeavors to advance the people’s war. It is by paying homage to their glorious martyrdom that the unity was cemented.

It is the duty of every Communist Party to pay tribute to the memory of martyrs by continuing the tasks left behind by them till the victory of communism. People are always inspired by the sacrifices of martyrs. So it becomes our duty to propagate about their great qualities, which we have to emulate, their lives and their ideals, among the vast masses so that they are inspired to join the struggle to carry forward their lofty aims.

July 28th to August 3rd is celebrated as martyrs’ week to commemorate them and to take a vow that we will follow their path with renewed determination. We are using this occasion to give the readers a glimpse into the lives of women martyrs of CPI (Maoist) party since the merger of the two parties. We are also planning to bring a book about all women martyrs since Naxalbari soon. This is a prelude to that attempt.
It is with great grief that we are writing here that out of a total of 139 women comrades who were martyred, we could collect the life histories of about 40comrades. CPI (Maoist) is leading a movement which is spread in a vast area and that too it is concentrated in the most backward and remote pockets of India. So one of the main reasons for the unavailability of their life histories is the lack of regular communication between the various zones. We have made an effort to compile the whole list of women comrades martyred between September 2004 and July 2007. We are giving the available life histories and the list of women comrades martyred in this period as far as we could gather. The list is more or less complete but there are some more women comrades who were martyred during the state sponsored Salwa Judum terrorist campaign unleashed by the Chattisgarh ruling classes in Dandakaranya whose names and details we could not get in time. Some more women comrades also died recently in encounters with para-military and other armed forces in DK whose details we could not obtain due to the war like situation prevailing there. We would definitely overcome these shortcomings for the book on all women martyrs. But meanwhile we thought it would be useful and inspiring to bring out as many life histories as possible on this solemn occasion when we commemorate our beloved martyrs.
When we look at the lives of these women martyrs many things strike us as significant. In the Srikakulam struggle, which was the major armed struggle of the Naxalbari period, there were 17 women martyrs. Altogether the total number of women martyrs of that period will be in dozens. But after 1985 and especially in the 1990s and in the new millennium their numbers reached hundreds. And more than a hundred women comrades have laid their lives just in this past two and half years since the merger. The majority of them were killed in the three zones of Andhra Pradesh (AP) due to the fascist repressive regime of YS Rajasekara Reddy and in Dandakaranya due to the Salwa Judum counter revolutionary terrorist campaign.
The reason for the repression becoming more and more severe in the past 15 years is the globalization policies pushed by the government under the guidance of the imperialists. The ruling classes of India i.e., the feudal landlords, the comprador big bourgeoisie and the imperialists want to plunder the vast mineral and natural resources of India especially in the forest areas of Chattisgarh, Orissa, Jharkhand and North Andhra. Many brave men and women have lost their lives in Kalinga nagar in Orissa and in Singur and Nandigram of West Bengal when they opposed such exploitation.

The reactionary ruling classes want to suppress the Party and PLGA which defends the interests of the people and which are organizing the people into struggles against the plunderers. That is why so many people as well as party activists and soldiers of PLGA have to lay down their lives in this bitter struggle against the imperialist led ruling classes. As more and more women are realizing the truth and joining the struggles, the number of women losing their lives also increases.

As the people’s war advances the number may increase more. But this large number not only indicates the level of repression and the scale of the movement but also the fact that women are joining the party and army in large numbers. It shows that oppressed women are increasingly choosing the revolutionary path.

On the other hand when we look at some of the incidents we can gauge how the fascization of the armed forces has risen to unprecedented heights. It even looks like the state is exceptionally cruel towards women. In the bizarre Manala covert killings three women comrades (with another 7 male comrades) were very cruelly tortured after they became unconscious from the sedatives mixed in their food and then killed. The whole scene was so ghastly that people were terrified when they saw the mutilated, mauled bodies. In Sangidigundala six women comrades were brutally gunned down. Out of them three were Chenchu adivasi young girls and the other three were also young women from a poor peasant background. (more…)

Nepalese Maoists have threaten to quit unity government after presence of security persons without their knowledge in their residence on Sunday.

The five ministers who have been included in the Government from Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) have expressed disagreement and objection on deputation of security personnel for the purpose of their security from Singanath Battalion who were undergone ranger training from Bhairabnath Battalion.

Bhairabnath Battalion is infamous as Nepali Abu ghraib because of brutality in there. More than 40 prisoners, mainly Maoists, had been disappeared from the battalion. Analysists believe that they were already been killed. Maoists had been demanding to publish their whereabouts and close down that infamous battalion.

Minister for Women, Children and Social Welfare Khaddar Bahadur Bishwokarma, Minister for Physical Planning and Works Hisila Yemi, Minister for Forest and Soil Conservation Martina Yadav, Minister for Local Development Dev Prasad Gurung and Minister for Information and Communication Krishna Bahadur Mahara expressed their objection by issuing a joint press statement.

In the press conference, organized Monday by the Ministers at the Office of the Parliamentary Party of CPN (Maoist), Minister Mahara said they could not meet the Prime Minister though they had requested for his time to inform him in this regard. He said the Ministers had taken the matter seriously.

Maoists ministers claimed that the army is not in control of government. They follow orders from anothe place.

They were seemed agressive because they were not pre-informed about new deployment. “Why deployment for Maoists minister only, why not for other ministers too?” Mahara asked.

Britain is wrong to roll out the red carpet for the head of a defiant army that so gravely imperils the path to democracy

Isabel Hilton
The Guardian

On Monday, Lt General Rukmangad Katuwal, the head of the army in Nepal, is scheduled to arrive in Britain for a red carpet visit organised by the Ministry of Defence. Nepal is inching through the long process of normalisation and reform, following a 10-year Maoist insurgency that cost 10,000 lives. Now the Maoists are part of the peace process and a constituent assembly will be elected in November to design Nepal’s future democratic constitution.

But the peace process could be derailed by a number of factors, including the lingering influence of a king who still dreams of a return to feudal absolutism and, crucially, the willingness of Gen Katuwal to lead his army into a democratic future. Until last April, when King Gyanendra’s absolute rule was overthrown from the street, the Royal Nepal Army was under his direct command and its officers saw their prime duty as the protection of the monarchy. Gen Katuwal himself was brought up in the palace after being collected, like a souvenir, by the late King Mahendra on one of his visits to his people. Katuwal owed everything he had to the monarchy and played a key role in King Gyanendra’s savage war against the Maoist insurgency. If Nepal is to achieve lasting peace and stability, Gen Katuwal, and the army he commands, must be willing to change loyalty and adapt to the command of civilian politicians.
Under the terms of the peace agreement, the army will have to incorporate 30,000 Maoist fighters, something the caste-bound officers find hard to swallow, and to cooperate with the demands for justice for the civilian victims of army and police violence. Amnesty International estimates that more than two-thirds of the 900 who disappeared in the conflict were victims of the security services.

With these challenges at home, it’s easy to see why Gen Katuwal might want to come to Britain for a break. It is less easy to see why the MoD should choose to honour him with an invitation. In a situation as delicate as that of Nepal at present, an invitation with full honours should be reserved for those of whom the British government has reason to approve - and Gen Katuwal does not quite make the grade.

There is, for instance, the case of the 16-year-old Maina Sunwar, from the Kabhrepalanchok district in east central Nepal. On February 17 2004, a 12-man covert army team broke down the door of her house looking for her mother, Devi, whom the army claimed was suspected of Maoist sympathies. After a fruitless search of the house, they took Maina away for “questioning” , reassuring her father that she would be sent home when the interrogation was finished.

Seven military personnel witnessed what happened to Maina in the barracks: an appalling catalogue of torture that began with submersion in water and ended with electric shocks to her wet feet and wrists until they bled. Three hours after her arrival, she was dead. The officers’ response offers some insight into the army’s attitudes to torture and to the civilian population. Maina was stripped of her clothes and buried in a pit near the officers’ mess, but not before her dead body had been shot several times and the police, then under army command, had been instructed to report that she had been shot while attempting to escape from the custody van. In response to the repeated inquiries of Maina’s parents and teachers, the army stonewalled that she had never been in the barracks.

But Nepal was changing, and Maina’s parents did not give up. Nine months after her disappearance, they had mobilised enough pressure to force the army to conduct an inquiry. Seven months later it ruled that “she was not affiliated with the Maoist party”. The officer in command was confined to barracks for six months and barred from promotion for two years. Gen Katuwal’s army congratulated itself on keeping “a clear perspective on the promotion and protection of human rights”, adding that “the image of the Royal Nepali Army must be maintained high in national and international arenas”.

There was not, nor has there been since, any commitment to refrain from the use of torture on civilians. The case remains a scandal, and many have called for the officers to be put on trial. Last September, Foreign Office minister Kim Howells raised it with Gen Katuwal. Nothing has happened. Maina’s case is not an isolated example, and the army’s impunity for the crimes it has committed against the civilian population continues to threaten Nepal’s fragile peace process. As Khagendra Sharma, a Nepali analyst, wrote: “The army had an obvious role in suppressing the public during the April [2006] uprising and the high-level probe commission had recommended punitive action against a number of senior army officers. But the government did not take any action … The army not only took it as an amnesty for the past crime but also as an encouragement for future acts of a similar nature. There is a feeling of defiance. There is a lack of respect for the transition to a full-fledged democracy from the rule of a feudal monarchy.”

Gen Katuwal’s record on security services reform, in which the UK is to play a part, is equally dismal. In June local press reported that the modernisation of the Nepali ministry of defence had begun, with the help of a security sector development assistance team from Britain’s MoD. After six months of research the UK team had identified four major problems: torture and murder were not among them. Instead, overcrowding at headquarters, a lack of adequate officers, poor communications and a lack of incentive to employees were reported. The remedy, the British team suggested, was a “new building with adequate facilities, establishment of computerised network, development of human resources and the development of the ministry’s website”. For this purpose the MoD, on behalf of the British taxpayer, will generously provide more than £150,000.

Gen Katuwal’s reforms to date include the change of name to the Nepal Army, allowing soldiers’ wives to join the association previously reserved for the wives of officers, and a ban on officers swearing at their men. On the integration of former Maoist fighters into the army, torture, the education of the army in the principles of democracy and constitutional rule, it’s business as usual.

By Mark Dummett
BBC News, Kathmandu

Ram Prasad Acharya disappeared four years ago. The last time his wife, Ruku, saw him he was being dragged out of their house by soldiers, wrapped in a blanket. It was 3.45 in the morning and he was not given time to dress.

He is one of 937 Nepalese civilians who the International Committee of the Red Cross has listed as missing; their whereabouts still unknown, a year after the decade-long conflict ended.

Most of the “disappeared”, about 800, were allegedly abducted, like Ram, by the security forces, after the government declared a state of emergency in 2001, and ordered the army to crush the Maoist insurgents.

Ruku believes Ram is still alive, probably still a prisoner, but perhaps wandering the country, having lost his mind.

She is well aware that human rights organisations, and released prisoners, accuse the army of having tortured and killed detainees, and that most people think the bodies of the missing are buried in unmarked graves.

“My heart feels very heavy. Sometimes I feel like I’m going to faint, I’m absolutely terrified.”

Caught in the middle

Ruku says Ram was suspected of supporting the rebels, who then had a strong presence in their home district, Dhading, about a one-and-a-half-hour drive from Kathmandu.

Eighteen other people from the area were seized around the same time, suggesting that this was a deliberate tactic employed by local commanders.

As the owner of a small roadside restaurant, Ram would sometimes be asked by the Maoists for food.

He was not a supporter of their “People’s War”, but an innocent caught between the two sides, his wife says.

“They [the Maoists] didn’t come here very often, and there was nothing we could do to stop them.”

After he was seized, Ruku tracked him to an army barracks in the capital.

Other suspects, who were later released, told her they had met Ram there.

“We didn’t know where they had taken him at first, but then we heard he was taken to Jagadal barracks in Chhauni.

“When we went there some of the guards denied he was there. Others guards said he was, but they wouldn’t let us visit him, and they wouldn’t give us permission to talk to their officers,” Ruku said.

‘No evidence’

According to Colonel Dharma Baniya of the Nepal Army’s Human Rights Directorate, there is no record that Ram Prasad Acharya was ever a prisoner of the military.

He challenged the accuracy of the Red Cross figures, and said the victims’ relatives, like Ruku, might have confused army personnel for members of different security forces, such as the Armed Police Force.

“If we get some clues that we had done these violations we will punish the people and make these things public. But for those 800 cases there is no confirmed evidence we were involved.

“Unless some organisation or some individual comes to us with some evidence, with some proof, with some witness, we don’t believe those cases.”

Col Baniya says the army investigates all allegations made against it, and has punished 162 soldiers for committing abuses during the war.

“Maybe in South Asia we are the only country whose army is so serious about the protection and promotion of human rights,” he said.

But the families of the missing do not see it that way, and feel let down by the government alliance, which is made up of the Maoists and seven mainstream political parties.

The relatives of the missing say they feel let down by the government

When they signed their peace agreement eight months ago, they promised to reveal the truth about the disappearances within six weeks.

More recently the Supreme Court ordered a commission to be set up to investigate and pay out compensation.

“We’ve been deceived so many times,” Ruku says.

“Last year we went to the interior minister. He promised to reveal the whereabouts of all the missing within one week, but we still haven’t heard from him.”

The problem, the relatives say, is that some current government leaders supported the decision to deploy the army against the Maoists in 2001, so they do not want the truth about their brutal tactics to come out.

आर्थिक वर्ष२०६४/६५ को बजेटसम्बन्धमा माओवादीतर्फाट पर्ूण्ा छलफलको समयमा थुप्रै सुझाव दिए पनि बजेट भाषण हँुदा कुनै पनि कुरा समावेश नभएको गुनासो सो दलद्वारा जारी प्रेस विज्ञप्तिमा जनाइएको छ । प्रस्तुत वजेट वर्तमान राजनीतिक मान्यता अनुरूप सरकारमा सहभागी दलको बीचमा सहमती गर्न छलफल नै नगरी सदनमा प्रस्तुत गरिएको, सदनमा छलफल हुँदा पनि माओवादीको तर्फाट थुप्रै विषय राखिए पनि माननीय सदस्यहरूले राखेको सुझावहरूसमेत नलिने परिपाटीले व्यवस्थापिका संसद कामकाजी बनाउनुभन्दा पनि कुरा गर्ने थलो बनेकोमा माओवादीेको विज्ञप्तिमा दुःख प्रकट गरिएको छ । यो बजेटले नयाँ राजनीतिक परिस्थितिले जनयुद्ध र जनआन्दोलनको मर्म र भावनालाई सम्बोधन गर्न नसकेको र नयाँ नेपालको आधार खडा गर्न नसक्ने भएकाले माओवादीले यस बजेटको पक्षमा नरहेको जनतालाई स्पष्ट गर्न चाहेको कुरा विज्ञप्तिमा उल्लेख गरिएको छ ।

बजेटको कमी कमजोरी औँल्याउने क्रममा प्रस्तुत बजेटले सामती राज्यसत्ता अन्त्य गर्ने बारे प्रस्ट रूपमा उल्लेख गर्न नसकेको, जनताको संङ्घीय लोकतान्त्रिक राज्यव्यवस्था निर्माण गर्नेबारे, सम्बोधन नगरिएको राज्यको पर्ुनर्संचनाबारे खाका प्रस्तुत नभएको, पुरानो राज्य अवशेषको अर्न्तर्गत सो राज्यको लोकतान्त्रीकरण गर्नेबारे बजेटले व्यवस्था गरेको, नेपाली सेनाको बजेटमा युद्ध अवधिको भन्दा बढी बजेट विनियोजन गरिएको तर जनमुtmि सेनाको, समायोजनबारे, विनियोजित बजेटले बेवास्ता गरेको, सामन्ती राज्य राजतन्त्रलाई चोर बाटोबाट भत्ता दिने व्यवस्था गरिएको, जस्ता आधारमा यो बजेट समष्टिगतमा आमजनताको पक्षमा नदेखिएको ठहर माओवादीको रहेको छ ।

बजेटमा भ्रष्टाचारी घुसखोरी, अनियमिता गरी ठूलो घनराशी कब्जा गर्नेहरूको सम्पत्तिलाई राष्ट्रियकरण गरी राष्ट्र निर्माणमा लगाउनुपर्ने जस्ता लोककल्याणकारी व्यवस्था गर्न नसकेको, राजाको सम्पत्ति राष्टि्यकरण गर्ने व्यवस्था नगरिएकोमा माओवादीको आपत्ति रहेको जनाइएको छ । संविधानको भाग ४ मा उल्लेख भएको स्वास्थ्य शिक्षा, रोजगारी र खाद्य सम्प्रभुताबारे बजेटमा उल्लेख हुन नसकेको, उल्टै शिक्षा जस्तो संवेदनशील पक्षलाई समुदायको नाममा छोडिदिने र राज्यले आफ्नो जिम्मेवारी र दायित्वबाट पन्छिने नीति लिएको, देशका कर्मठ युवालाई स्वरोजगारको व्यवस्था गर्ने नीति नलिई विदेश्ा नियार्त गर्ने नीति अङ्गीकार गरिएकोलाई पनि बजेटको कमजोर पक्षको रूपमा माओवादीले औँल्याएको छ । राष्ट्रिय अर्थतन्त्रलाई आत्मनिर्भर बनाउन राष्टि्य पूंजिपतिसमेतलाई सम्बोधन, प्रोत्साहन गरेर जानुपर्नेमा सिमित दलाल नोकरशाह, देश, राष्ट्र र नेपाली जनताप्रति माया नभएका पुँजीपतिहरूको हातमा अर्थतन्त्र सुम्पने गरी बजेट रहेको पुँजीपतिहरूको हातमा सिङ्गो अर्थतन्त्र सुम्पने गरी बजेट रहेको छ ।

विशेष आर्थिक क्षेत्रमा नाममा साधनस्रोतमा वित्तीय राज्यको एकाधिकार कायम गर्दै मजदुरको हकहितमा समेत नियन्त्रण गर्नेतर्फउद्धत भएको, नीजि क्षेत्रलाई राष्ट्रिय अर्थतन्त्रको मेरुदण्डको रूपमा अङ्गीकार गरिनुपर्नेमा राष्ट्रिय सम्पत्तिलाई निजीकरण गर्ने नीति अवलम्बन गरिएकोलाई माओवादीले आपत्ति जनाएको कुरा विज्ञप्तिमा उल्लेख गरिएको छ । नेकपा -माओवादीले)ले बजेटको बारेमा माओवादीको धारणा र्सार्वजनिक गर्ने सिलसिलामा बजेटलाई गाउँसम्म पुर्‍याउने संरचना उल्लेख हुन नसकेको सहरमुखी विगतको संरचनालाई निरन्तरता दिएको, भूमिसम्बन्धी समस्याको समाधान गर्नेसम्बन्धी स्पष्ट कार्यनीति उल्लेख हुन नसकेको, कृषिजस्तो अर्थतन्त्रको मुख्य स्रोतको मेरुदण्डका रूपमा उल्लेख गर्न नसकी बेवास्ता गरिएको, वैज्ञानिक भूमिसुधार गर्ने योजना र कार्यक्रम नरहेको, कृषकलाई कृषि ऋणबाट मुक्तगर्न कृषि ऋण मिन्हा गर्ने कार्यक्रम नरहेको, कृषि औजार मलखादजस्ता कारखानाका लागि कुनै उल्लेख नभएको, कृषिका लागि अत्यावश्यक मल बीउ सिँचाइमा अनुदानको व्यवस्था हुन नसकेको, कृषिलाई औद्योगिकीकरणतर्फलैजाने योजनाबारे कुनै कुरा नराखिएकाले बजेट गाउँमुखी बन्न नसकेको जनाएको छ । बजेटमा देशमा अल्पसङ्ख्यक सुकुम्बासी, हरुवा, चरुवा, हली गोठालाको बाँच्न पाउने अधिकारको ग्यारेन्टीबारे बेवास्ता गरिएको, युद्धबाट प्रभावित सहादत प्राप्त गर्ने महान सहिदहरू र्घाईते अपाङ्गहरू र क्षत्रि्रस्त गाँउहरूका बारेमा बजेटले कुनै कार्यक्रम उल्लेख नगरेको, राजस्व सङ्कलनमा भएका अनियमिततालाई रोक्ने कार्यक्रम नभभएको करको दायरा सङ्कुचित रहेको, दलाल बजारलाई कारको दायरामा समेट्नेबारे नसोचिएको जस्ता कमजोर पक्षलाई माओवादीले आफ्नो धारणामा औँल्याएको छ ।

आ.व. ०६४/६५ को बजेटमा राष्ट्रिय अखण्डता र सम्प्रभूताका लागि सिमाना व्यवस्थित गर्ने कार्यक्रम नभएको, सहकारीलाई प्रभावकारी बनाउनका लागि प्रोत्साहन गर्नुपर्नेमा सहकारीलाई करको दायरामा ल्याई निरुत्साहित पार्न खोजिएको देशको विद्यामान अवस्थालाई मुख्य आधार बनाई बजेटको निर्माण गर्नुपर्नेमा निश्चित नेता र मन्त्रीहरूको चुनाव क्षेत्रलाई मात्र प्राथमिकता दिई बजेटको तर्जुमा गरिएको, जनसहभागितामूलक आर्थिक परिचालनको योजना नभएको ठहर माओवादीले गरेको छ । समग्रमा बजेट परम्परागत यथास्थितिवादी रहेको र यसले सहमति र सम्झौता अनुरूप सङ्क्रमणकालीन स्थितिलाई सम्बोधन गर्न नसकेको निष्कर्षमाओवादीले निकाल्दै सहमतिबेगर ल्याईएको यो बजेटमा माओवादी पार्टर्ीीे असहमति रहेका जनाएको छ ।

Chairman of CPN-Maoist Prachanda Monday said that the possibility of reactionary forces impeding the Constituent Assembly (CA) elections would continue to grow if the nation was not declared a republican state prior to the CA elections. He said the country would not be able to move ahead in the right direction unless the peace process took a smooth turn and unless the ten-year-long people’s war of the Maoists was evaluated in the right manner. The peace process would take a sluggish course if Nepal were not declared a republican state immediately, he added.

Addressing a press conference organised by the Revolutionary Journalists’ Association (Lumbini), he said as the reactionary forces were all out to dislodge democracy, it would be wise to declare Nepal a republic and move ahead for the CA elections.

The Maoist Chairman warned the CA elections could not take place by sidelining the Maoists.

He said that his party was not for severing relations among the eight political parties. The eight-party unity needs to be further cemented for sometime to come, Prachanda added.

He claimed that in the beginning some bigger parties had attempted to wipe out Maoists’ existence from the Terai, but the parties that made such attempts themselves got swept away.

Stating that the eight parties were now facing existential threat in the Terai, he warned, if anybody was imagining a Nepal without the Maoists, then it would be unfortunate.

“Some bigger parties have been taking the elections lightly, but they do not seem to be worried over the fact that a congenial environment for the elections has not been yet created.”

He said, first it was imperative to create the right environment for polls, before embarking on to the actual polling.

Madhes has turned into rendezvous of pro-royalists and Indian criminals and the celebration of the king’s birthday substantiates that the reactionaries have been trying to disrupt the CA polls.

“It cannot be denied that the promotion of some high ranking officials of the Nepal Army and the maneuvering being hatched by the palace could come on the way of the CA polls,” Prachanda said.

He accused the parties in the government of trying to defame the Young Communist League (YCL) and suggested all not to make such attempts as the YCL was a security wing of the CPN-Maoist.

Underlining the need to merge the Nepal Army and the People’s Liberation Army, he said only the Armed Police Force (APF) and the civil police could provide security during the elections adding the YCL help ought to be sought in this regard.

Stating though some hitches had surfaced in the second round of verification of the Maoist army, Prachanda hoped that it would resume soon. He said attempts were underway to disarm the Maoists, which would never be successful.

He said that his Europe visit was a success.

Janadesh: Lenin wrote his ‘April Thesis’ while traveling clandestinely by train from Moscow to Switzerland. Did you also draw up a new outline for the revolution during your plane trip to Switzerland?
Pushpa Kamal Dahal: Not exactly. But we did see the place where Lenin stayed, and this certainly made me think about our revolution but this wasn’t exactly the right moment to write a thesis.

What about the discussions on security sector reforms?
We had memorable discussions at the Democratic Forum for Control of Armed Forces in Geneva. Their main understanding was DDR [demobilisation, disarmament, and rehabilitation] like in other countries. But we were able to convince them that we are not going from armed struggle to politics, but that politics and armed struggle are related. We tried to explain to them our position on the political revolution we are embarked in and how it is possible to have a political transformation in Nepal.

How do the European governments and people look at the Maoist uprising in Nepal?
Europe is positive. It doesn’t want the peace process to collapse. Neutral Europeans are even more positive about the Maoist uprising. I told the press conference that if the Europeans don’t come forward the peace process could be disturbed because the superpowers don’t want peace in Nepal. I said this could lead to a big crisis. I appealed to the Europeans to take the lead.

Can Europe cross out the Americans?
I don’t think so. But even so, the Europeans have their own culture, tradition, and ideology and they could make a positive impact.

So what were the main achievements of your visit?
We managed to dispel some of the falsehoods about the People’s War and the CPN-M. The fact that we first went to Switzerland sent a message to Europe and to the world that we don’t want to be mixed up in any geopolitical blocs. We learnt about how to engage in development and political transformation by looking at a country with similar topography to ours. We gave a fitting reply to those who call us terrorists.

Did you find any confusion about the Maoists?
Yes, there is some confusion. Some people seemed to think that we don’t want the constituent assembly elections. We cleared up that confusion. Baburam Bhattaraiji’s visit to Oslo for an international meeting was also useful in clearing confusion. All in all, we made a positive intervention in Europe.

ntimes

Today, Maoist Chairman Prachanda and Bhattarai met t with Ian Martin, the personal representative of the United Nations secretary general. The duo told Martin that the second stage of verification would not begin unless a political package to adjust combatants in national security forces was agreed upon. In the meeting, the leaders also expressed their displeasure over army generals’ promotions without their consent and army chief Rukmangad Katwal’s public statement against the Maoists. Katwal had recently said the army would not tolerate terrorism in any form in the country.
Also today, Maoist chairman Prachanda today met Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala at the latter’s residence and urged him to come up with a ‘package deal’ to adjust registered Maoist combatants in national security wings.
A Maoist source told this daily that Prachanda, accompanied by his deputy Dr Baburam Bhattarai, conveyed to the PM his party’s stance that the second stage of verification in other cantonments would not begin without the government first agreeing on the deal.
The source said Prachanda also asked the PM to make public the latter’s and the Nepali Congress’ stance on monarchy and republic clear. Prachanda also took up the issue of King Gyanendra’s birthday bash, which, according to him, was a step towards political activism meant to disrupt constituent assembly polls.
Minister for Peace and Reconstruction Ramchandra Poudel said both the leaders were committed to holding the polls on the scheduled date and stressed the need to improve the law and order situation. Prachanda also objected to Koirala’s “unilateral” appointments in government bodies without the Maoists being consulted. The PM is learnt to have assured Prachanda that he would consult them while making appointments in the future.
HNS

डिडीआर मोडेल स्वीकार नहुने ः पासाङ
पाल्पा, असार २८/माओवादी जनमुक्ति सेनाका डेपुटी कमाण्डर नन्दकिशोर पुन -पासाङ) ले काङ्ग्रेसले पुरानै ढाँचा र शैलीमा एकलौटीरुपमा सरकार चलाएका कारण संविधानसभाको चुनाव मङ्सिर महिनामा पनि हुन नसक्ने बताएका छन् । संविधानसभा अगाडि नै संसदबाट गणतन्त्र घोषणा गरेर जानुपर्ने कुरामा उनले जोड दिए । क्रान्तिकारी पत्रकार सङ्घ नेपाल लुम्बिनीद्वारा बिहीबार पाल्पामा आयोजित पत्रकार सम्मेलनमा बोल्दै पासाङले जनमुक्ति सेनाको व्यवस्थापनका लागि आफ्नो पार्टर्ीीई डिडीआर मोडेल स्वीकार नहुने बताए । सेना व्यवस्थापनका लागि विशेष सुरक्षा सुधार विधि -एसएसआर) अपनाउनुपर्ने र त्यो पनि नेपालको भूराजनीतिक अवस्थाअनुसार हुनुपर्नेमा उनले जोड दिए ।

पत्रकारहरूले सोधेको प्रश्नको जवाफ दिँदै उनले देशलाई अग्रगमनतिर लैजान र संविधानसभाको निर्वाचन सम्पन्न गर्न सबै दल र पत्रकारहरूको केन्द्रित हुनुपर्नेमा जोड दिए । आठदलबीच भएको १२ बुँदे सहमति अक्षरशः लागू गर्न माग गर्दै पासाङले त्यसो नभए आफूहरू अर्को ढङ्गले सोच्न बाध्य हुने बताए ।

जनमुक्ति सेनाको व्यवस्थापनबारे के भइरहेको छ भनी पत्रकारहरूले सोधेको प्रश्नमा कमाण्डर पासाङले दुःख बिसाए । “समस्या उस्तै छन् केही सुधार भएको छैन, खानपानको समस्या र विरामी झन् बढेका छन्”- उनले भने- “हामी एउटा जिम्मेवार पार्टर्ीीे सेना भएकोले जति समस्या भएपनि धर्ैय गरेर बसेका छौँ, हामी देशलाई नयाँ र सुन्दर बनाउन चाहन्छौँ ।”
-स्वससे)

काठमाडौँ, असार २७/माओवादीको तर्फाट सरकारमा सहभागी भएका पाँच मन्त्रीहरुले आफू सरकारमा सहभागी भएपनि जनतालाई परिवर्तनको अनुभूति दिलाउन नसकेको स्वीकार गरेका छन् । सरकारमा सहभागी भएपछि जनतासँगको खाडल झन् ठूलो भएको उनीहरुले बताए ।

सरकारमा सहभागी भएको एकसय दिन पुगेको अवसरमा आफूले गरेका काम कारबाहीबारे जानकारी दिन आयोजित पत्रकार सम्मेलनमा उनीहरुले यस्तो बताएका हुन् । “जनजीवनसँग सम्बन्धित अनुभूति दिन सकेनौँ, संविधानसभाको चुनाव गछौर्ँ भनेका थियौँ तर गर्न सकेनौँ”- सरकारमा पार्टर्ीीे नेतृत्व गरेका सूचना तथा सञ्चार मन्त्री कृष्णबहादुर महराले भने- “काङ्ग्रेसले पुरानै ढाँचा र शैलीमा एकलौटीरुपमा सरकार चलाएका कारण हामीले केही गर्न नसकेका हौँ ।” यही स्थिति कायम रहेमा संविधानसभाको चुनाव मङ्सिर महिनामा पनि हुन नसक्ने उनको टिप्पणी थियो । महराले सबै माओवादी मन्त्रीहरुको प्रतिनिधित्व गर्दै सामूहिक धारणा राखेका थिए ।

संविधानसभामार्फ लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्र स्थापना गर्ने आफूहरुको लक्ष्य रहेको बताउँदै मन्त्री महराले त्यसका लागि सरकारमा रहेर सङ्र्घष्ा गरिरहेको बताए । उनले गणतन्त्र स्थापना गरेरै छाड्ने अठोट पनि व्यक्त गरे ।

वेपत्ता नागरिकको खोजी गर्न, सुकुम्बासी समस्या समाधान गर्न, रायमाझी आयोगको प्रतिवेदन र्सार्वजनिक गरी आयोगले दोषी देखाएकालाई कारबाही गर्न, राजाको सम्पत्ति राष्ट्रियकरण गर्न र महँगी नियन्त्रण गर्न आफूहरु असफल भएको माओवादी मन्त्रीहरुले स्वीकारे । आफूले कुनै पनि काम गर्न नसक्नुमा राष्ट्रिय आत्मर्समर्पणवादी सोच कायमै रहनु, अन्तरिम संविधान कागजमा मात्र सीमित हुनु र परम्परावादी राज्य संरचना यथावत रहनु प्रमुख कारण रहेको उनीहरुले बताए ।
माओवादीका तर्फाट अन्तरिम सरकारमा सहभागी भएका पाँचै मन्त्रीहरुले आ-आफ्ना मन्त्रालयहरुमा भएका कामकारबाहीबारे जानकारी गराएका थिए । आठदलको संयुक्त संयन्त्र बनाएर सरकार चलाउने भनिएपनि त्यो हुन नसकेको उनीहरुको गुनासो थियो ।
स्वतन्त्र समाचार सेवा

Maoist minister and government spokesperson Krishna Bahadur Mahara today blamed Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala for the government’s inability to hold constituent assembly election in June. He also said he was unable to address issues of the general public in the government’s policies and programmes.
“The government has been hatching conspiracies and working with an old mind-set,” the Minister for Information and Communications told a press conference at the Maoists’ parliamentary party office.
Most of the Maoist ministers, including Hishila Yami and Dev Gurung, were present at the conference where secretaries and senior officials of their portfolios made public their progressive reports. “We have spent three months in the cabinet and our expectations have not been met,” Mahara said.
“As Prime Minister Koirala has been leading the eight-party government he must take the responsibility for its failures,” he added.
“The Prime Minister is solely responsible for not launching programmes directly related with the people’s right to live,” Mahara said.
“We have been demanding a Joint Coordination Committee to guide the cabinet, but in vain and, moreover, the cabinet has been working as if it were a majority government of the Nepali Congress,” he added. Mahara, however, said that they still hope to bring about a change in society. The ministers said the government is not working in line with the Interim Constitution of Nepal-2007.
Mahara also said that national and international forces are conspiring against the election.
HNS

शक्ति लम्साल
संविधानसभा निर्वाचनको मिति घोषणा भएको छ, तर यो घोषणाले चुनावी उत्साह ल्याउन सकेको छैन, यसलाई यहाँले कसरी लिनुभएको छ ?
पहिले पनि संविधानसभाको निर्वाचन जेठ मसान्तभित्र गर्ने भनिएको थियो, तर त्यसको कार्यतालिकालगायत आवश्यक तयारी भएको थिएन । जनताको चाहना, आकाङ्क्षालाई परिपर्ूर्ति गर्नकै लागि मात्र अपर्झ त्यसो भनिएको थियो । जेठ मसान्तभित्र निर्वाचन सम्पन्न गर्ने भित्रैदेखि इच्छा, आकाङ्क्षा स्वयं सातदल र सरकारको पनि थिएन, त्यसो हुनाले निर्वाचन हुन सकेन ।

अहिले मङ्सिर ६ गते चुनाव गर्ने निर्ण्र्ााभएको छ । पार्टर्ीी, जनता आदिको माहौल, विभिन्न प्रतिक्रिया र अभिव्यक्तिहरूलाई हर्ेदा चुनाव घोषणा भए पनि चुनाव हुनका लागि बाहृयस्थिति त्यति सवल देखिन्न । आन्तरिक रूपमा समेत चुनावको तयारी सुषुप्तरूपमा भइरहेको जस्तो लाग्दैन । त्यसैले जनतामा अझ पनि शङ्का, उपशङ्का मडारिइरहेको छ, चुनाव हुन्छ वा घोषणामात्र गरिएको हो भन्ने कुराको चुनाव हुन्छ, हुन्न भन्ने खालको आशङ्का मेटाउने गरी चुनावी तयारी गर्नु आवश्यक छ । (more…)

There is every chance that a military coup may happen again, Senior Maoist leader Ram Bahadur Thapa, ‘Badal’ accused royalists and regressive forces of hatching conspiracies to scuttle the constituent assembly (CA) polls. Addressing a press conference organised here by the Dhankuta chapter of the Federation of Nepalese Journalists (FNJ), Badal said, “Though a republican front of the leftist forces may be possible, chances of our party uniting with the CPN-UML are very slimin the present circumstances..”
“Short-term and narrow mind-set is the cause of the division among the communists,” he added.

Saying that the double standard of the Nepali Congress is a hindrance to the establishment of a republic, he said: “The parliament should announce the country a republic with agreement of the eight political parties.”
Stating that there are chances that Maoists might join the rightists, Badal accused “various forces” of actively working to foil the Maoists’ every efforts.
Saying that the demands being raised by the dalits, women, janajatis and the Madhesi people are genuine, he said all problems will be solved once the country becomes a federal republic.
The country is sure to become a democratic republic despite the conspiracies of the regressive forces, he added.

नेकपा माओवादीका नेता रामबहादुर थापा बादलले संविधानसभाबाट मुलुकमा गणतन्त्र स्थापन नभए माओवादी पुनः भूमिगत हुने बताउनुभएको छ। नेपाल पत्रकार महासंघ धनकुटाले आज आयोजना गरेको पत्रकार सम्मेलनमा बोल्दै उहाँले मण्डलेहरुले पहाड र तराईमा बन्द हडताल गराई गणतन्त्रवादी शक्तिहरुमाथि आक्रमण गरिरहेकोले भूमिगत राजनीतिको आवश्यकतामा जोड दिनुभयो। लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रमा नेपाली कांग्रेसको दोहोरो चरित्र मुख्य बाधक भएको आरोप उहाँको थियो। कांग्रेसको फेरिइरहने बोलीले २०१७ साल दोहोरिने आशंका उहाँले गर्नुभयो। आफ्नो पार्टीले वामपन्थी विचारधाराका अन्य दलहरुसँग कार्यगत एकता मात्र गर्न सक्ने उहाँले बताउनुभयो।
अशान्ति फैलाइरहेको भन्दै वाईसीएललाई प्रतिबन्ध लगाउने प्रतिगमनका मतियारहरुले गरिरहेको षड्यन्त्र आफूहरुलाई मान्य नभएको उहाँले बताउनुभयो।
गणतन्त्रको मोर्चा बन्न नदिन विभिन्न शक्तिहरुको चलखेल भइरहेको भन्दै पुनः दोस्रो दासढुंगा घटना गराउने षड्यन्त्र भइरहेको दाबीसमेत गर्नुभयो।

At least 41 security personnel, including 17 CRPF men, were missing and nine injured in a fierce gunbattle with naxals in Dantewada district of Chhattisgarh. “Twenty-two Special Police Force personnel, 17 CRPF men and two personnel of the district police are missing after the last night gunbattle with naxals in Elampatti-Regadgatta jungle, about 550 km from here,” a top police official said by phone from Dantewada on Tuesday.

“115 personnel had gone for the joint anti-Naxal operation in the area. While 71 personnel came back in the night and three returned this morning, 41 are still missing,” the official said. Among the returned, nine are injured, officials said adding the condition of three of them is stated to be serious and have been shifted to a hospital in Jagdalpur, divisional headquarters of Bastar district.

Officials at the police headquarters here said some of the personnel, who had not returned back so far, had received bullet injuries on their legs. Chattisgarh’s Special Task Force and Andhra Police’s ‘Greyhound’ assisted by Union Home Ministry’s air wing have launched a search operation in the jungle bordering Andhra, a CRPF spokesman told said in New Delhi.

Among the missing was an Assistant Commandant of the CRPF, who was leading the police party, sources said. “As radio communication is yet to be established, the condition of the missing force is not known,” they said.

The gunbattle erupted after a 115-member strong security force launched the operation in the jungle and were fired upon by Maoists from LMG and mortar fire last evening.

TOI

० सरकारले मंसिर ६ गते संविधानसभा निर्वाचनको मिति घोषणा गरिसकेको छ, अब माओवादीले निर्वाचनको तयारी कसरी अगाडि बढाउँछ?
– यस सम्बन्धमा हामी समग्रमा सोच्दैछौं। कैयौं कुराहरू अझै मिलिसकेका छैनन्।
० कस्ता कुराहरू मिलिसकेका छैनन्?
– खासगरी सुरक्षा व्ःयवस्थाको प्रश्न छ। थुप्रै सशस्त्र गिरोहहरू बनिरहेका छन्। तिनलाई नियन्त्रण नगरी संविधानसभाको निर्वाचन हुन्छ जस्तो लाग्दैन। यस पछाडिको मूल कारक तत्व राजतन्त्र नै हो। हामीले बारम्बार संविधानसभाको चुनाव र गणतन्त्र घोषणा गर्नुपर्छ भन्दै आएका छौं। संविधानसभाको मिति तोक्ने विषयलाई लिएर आठ दलका शीर्ष नेताहरूको बैठकमा ‘नोट अफ डिसेन्ट’ पनि लेखिसकेका छौं। त्यसकारण पहिला गणतन्त्रको घोषणा गरेपछि मात्रै निर्वाचन भयरहित वातावरणमा हुनसक्छ। हाम्रो तयारी पनि यही विषयसँगै जोडिएको छ।
० सुरक्षाका निम्ति अनुकूल वातावरण तयार गर्न त तपाईंहरू आफैं सरकारमा हुनुहुन्छ। तर तपाईंहरू नै वातावरण भएन भन्नुहुन्छ। अर्कोतिर गणतन्त्र घोषणा नगरी चुनाव हुँदैन भन्नुहुन्छ। यो त बखेडा सिर्जना गर्ने काम भएन र?
– बखेडा भन्दा पनि वास्तविक चीज नै यही हो। यद्यपि हामी सरकारमा छौं। यो विशिष्ट परिस्थिति हो। सरकारको नेतृत्व नेपाली कांगे्रसले गरिरहेकोले हरेक क्षेत्रमा उसको एकाधिकार चलिरहेको छ। यस्तो अवस्थामा कैयौं चिजहरूमा चित्त नबुझ्दा नबुझ्दै पनि सकारात्मक ढंगले जाउँ भनेर अगाडि बढिरहेका छौं। अर्कोतिर वैदेशिक शक्ति केन्द्रहरूले पनि चलखेल गरिरहेका छन्। एकातिर वैदेशिक चलखेल बढ्दै जानु र अर्कोतिर सरकारमा कांगे्रसको एकाधिकार चल्नाले हामी सरकारमा छौं भन्ने अनुभव गर्न अप्ठ्यारो छ। यसैलाई आधार बनाएर डबल स्ट्याण्डर्र्डको कुरा गर्न मिल्छ जस्तो मलाई लाग्दैन। (more…)

किशोर पन्थी
युद्धको अवधिमा सही सूचना प्राप्त गर्नु कठिन कार्य हो । कुनै घटना हुँदा घटनास्थल पुगेरै वास्तविकता पत्ता लगाउन पनि सधैँ सम्भव हुँदैन । यो स्थितिमा घटनाको बारेमा सञ्चारमाध्यमबाट जनतालाई सुसूचित गराउनु चुनौतिपर्ूण्ा कार्य हो । जब २०६१ साल माघ १९ मा राजा ‘कू’ गरे, त्यतिबेला सञ्चारमाध्यमहरूमा प्रतिबन्ध लाग्यो । एफ. एम. रेडियोले गीत घन्काउन थाले, रेडियो नेपालले निरङ्कुशताको भजन गाउन थाल्यो तर रेडियो जनगणतन्त्रको प्रसारणलाई निरङ्कुशताको ‘जालो’ ले बाँध्न सकेन । तर्सथ युद्धको बेलामा सूचना जनतासम्म पुर्‍याउने चुनौती रेडियो जनगणतन्त्रले सामना गर्‍यो । (more…)

दिल साहनी
हालै एमालेको केन्द्रिय नेतृत्वले माओवादीहरूलाई उग्रवामपंथी पार्टर्ीीोषित गरेछ । राम्रो गरेछ । अहिलेसम्म एमालेहरू र्सवसाधारण जनतालाई मात्र होइन आफ्ना र्समर्थकका अतिरिक्त आफ्ना कार्यकर्ता समेतलाई के भन्दै गरेका थिए भने माओवादीहरू पनि एमाले भएका छन् । उनीहरूले कमरेड मदन भण्डारीको लाइन लिएका छन् । कमरेड मदन भण्डारीको बहुदलीय जनवाद र माओवादीहरूको एक्काइसौं शताब्दीको जनवादमा केही फरक छैन । तर अहिले एमालेहरूले माओवादीहरूलाई उग्रवामपंथीको पगरी गुथाइदिएर के कुरा प्रमाणित गरे भने माओवादीहरू र एमाले राजनैतिक विचारधाराको हिसाव कितावले एके टाउूमा उभिएका रहेनछन् । उनीहरूवीच आनको तान फरक रहेछ । हिजो उनीहरूले माओवादी पनि एमालेको लाइनमा छ भनेको उनीहरूको एउटा झmूठो प्रचारवाजी मात्र रहेछ । जे होस् एमालेको नेतृत्वले ढिलै भए पनि माओवादीहरूलाई माओवादीहरूकै रूपमा बुझिदियो । (more…)

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