(MARXISM-LENINISM-MAOISM) The list is open to people who are at the very least anti-imperialist and want to learn more on issues at stake. M_R will give regular updates from various sources on the People`s War`s being waged in NEPAL,INDIA, TURKEY, PHILIPPINES as well as other struggles waged by Maoist forces and people’s Wars being prepared in IRAN, BANGLADESH, SRI LANKA, BHUTAN etc in the service of the WORLD REVOLUTION to liberate humanity from the dog-eat-dog system of Capitalism/imperialsm. MAOIST REVOLUTION will also post statements from Maoist parties around the Globe when they arrive. Members are encouraged to search for statements / articles in relation to these. MAOIST REVOLUTION understands that the World is divided into Oppressed / Oppressor Nations that Africa, Asia and Latin America are the Storm centres of the WORLD REVOLUTION. World revolution can only succeed if the proletariat of capitalist countries supports struggles for liberation of colonial semi-colonial peoples and prepares for People’s War / Revolution themselves. THE WORLD IS WATCHING MAOIST

विचार
विचार र भावनाको सम्बन्धबारे

- प्रचण्ड, अध्यक्ष, नेकपा(माओवादी)

महिलाहरूको अधिकार, समानता र स्वाभिमानका निम्ति त्याग, तपस्या र बलिदानको एउटा लामो प्रक्रियाबाट नेपाली समाज गुजि्रंदै आएको छ । जनयुद्धको एकदसकको अवधिमा मुख्यतः उत्पीडित वर्ग, लिङ्ग, जाति र क्षेत्रलाई सम्बोधन गर्दै माओवादी पार्टी अघि बढिरहेको छ । संविधानसभासम्म आइपुग्दा कही न कही त्यो त्याग र बलिदानको परिणामको संश्लेषण भएको छ । त्यहाँ विचार र भावनाको गहिरो सम्बन्ध छ । अहिलेको हाम्रो पिंढी र आउने पिंढीसम्म पनि राजनीतिक चेतनाको दृष्टिकोणले अधिकारका निम्ति लड्ने जागरण नेपालमा पैदा भएको छ । यो जागरण संसारभरि उदाहरण बन्न पुगेको छ ।

तपाईंहरूले विषयलाई एकदम ठीक समयमा उठाउनुभएको छ । अहिले नयाँ सरकार बन्दैछ । संविधानसभाको निर्वाचनपछि हामी गणतन्त्रमा आइपुगेका छौं । गणतन्त्रमा आउनु भनेको खाली साइनबोर्ड बदल्ने कुरा मात्र नभई हाम्रो जीवनमा परिवर्तन आउने कुरा हो । हाम्रा गाउँघरमा झुपडीहरूमा र दैनिक जीवनमा परिवर्तन आएन भने त्यो गणतन्त्र साइनबोर्डमा मात्र सीमित हुन्छ । राजनीतिक नेतृत्व तहमा एउटा विडम्बना अझै बाँकी छ, त्यो भनेको परिवर्तनको बाहक शक्तिको हातमा नेतृत्व आइनपुग्नु । त्यो हुनु भनेको सरकारको नेतृत्वमा मात्र नभई गाउँ, समाजमा पनि पुरानै विचार, संस्कार, मूल्य, मान्यता राख्ने मान्छेहरूको हातमा सत्ता कायम रहनु हो ।

केही आर्मीले बलात्कार गरेको या पुरुषहरूले बच्चाहरूमाथि गरेको विकृत्तिको पराकाष्ठा र हत्याका घटनाहरू पुरानो विचार र मान्यता हाम्रो समाजमा हावी छ भन्ने कुराका प्रमाणहरू हुन् । यसले हाम्रो समाजमा अझै पनि सामन्तवादी अत्याचार सिद्धिएको छैन भन्ने कुरालाई नै पुष्टि गर्छ । तपाईंहरू गाउँघरमा न्याय पाइन्छ कि भनेर प्रहरी, अड्डाअदालतलगायत जहाँ जानुहुन्छ, त्यहाँ उसको व्यवहारमा पुरानै संस्कार भएको पाउनुहुन्छ । उसको दिमागमा नयाँ गणतान्त्रिक चेतना र संस्कारको विकास भएको पाउन सक्नुहुन्न । जसरी पुरानै सामन्ती चेतना र आँखाले महिलालाई दोस्रो दर्जाको नागरिकका रूपमा सोच्ने गर्छन्, त्यही दृष्टिले उसले महिलालाई हेर्ने गर्छ । त्यस्तो नेतृत्वलाई बदल्न सङ्घर्ष अनिवार्य हुन्छ । सङ्घर्षले मात्र त्यस्तो नेतृत्वलाई बदल्न सकिन्छ ।

तपाईंहरूले यो आन्दोलनद्वारा महिलामाथि हुने सबैखाले हिंसाविरुद्ध र मानवअधिकार तथा समानताका निम्ति विस्तारै देशव्यापी जागरण ल्याउन कोसिस गर्नुभएको छ । यो आन्दोलन देशको अहिलेको संवेदनशील र सङ्क्रमणकालीन राजनीतिक परिस्थितिमा अलिकति दीर्घकालीन महत्त्व राख्ने खालको छ । यसले देशको परिवर्तनमा ठूलो भूमिका खेल्नसक्छ ।

मेरो नेतृत्वमा नयाँ सरकार बन्ने र त्यसको प्रधानमन्त्री म हुने भन्ने पनि छ । तर मलाई प्रधानमन्त्री हुन नदिनकै निम्ति पुराना मान्छेहरू र पुरानो सोचले घेराबन्दी गरिराख्या छन् । नयाँ सरकार बनाउने विषयमा अरू पार्टीहरूसँग पनि हाम्रो घनिभूत छलफल चलिराखेको छ ।

सबै उत्पीडित जाति, जनजातिहरूको पूरै विजय नहुँदासम्म पुराना मान्छेहरू, पुराना सोचहरू, पुराना संस्कारहरू, पुराना मूल्य र मान्यता भएकाहरूले नयाँ मान्यतालाई स्वीकार्ने कुरा धेरै गाह्रो रहेछ । मेलै दसवर्षको जनयुद्धमा धेरै बलात्कार भएका महिला दिदीबहिनी, आमाहरूका भावना र मर्महरू सुनेको छु । अहिले कयौं बलात्कृत महिलाहरू, सहिदपरिवार र धेरै खालका पीडा, त्याग, तपस्याका कीर्तिमान बनाएका महिलाहरू संविधानसभामा आइपुग्नुभएको छ । नेकपा (माओवादी) को नेतृत्वमा, मेरै नेतृत्वमा सरकार बन्यो भने तपाईंहरूले अहिले उठाउनुभएको महिला हिंसाविरुद्ध एउटा उच्चस्तरीय आयोग तुरुन्त बनाइने छ र महिलामाथि हिंसा गर्नेहरूका विरुद्ध कडा कारबाही गर्ने गरी नियम तथा ऐनहरूमा पनि संशोधन गरिनेछ ।

हामी सरकारमा दुई, तीन, छ महिना जतिसुकै बस्न परोस्, यसखालका अधिकारहरूलाई स्थापित गर्न सकिएन भने र हाम्रो सरकार पनि पुरानै पञ्चायतकाल र विगतको बहुदलकालकै जस्तो बन्यो भने त्यो सरकार हुनु र नहुनुको केही पनि औचित्य रहने छैन । जनताको बीच घरझुपडीमा राजनीति गर्ने कुरा र सिंहदरबारभित्र र बालुवाटारमा राजनीति गर्ने कुरा फरक चिज रहेछ ।

नेकपा(माओवादी)को नेतृत्वमा सरकार बन्यो भने लक्ष्मी बोहोराको हत्या प्रकरणसँग सम्बन्धित तथा समग्र महिलामाथि हुने हिंसाका विरुद्ध सरकारका तर्फबाट तत्काल कदम चालिने छ । मान्छेको दिमागभित्र सामन्तवादी संस्कार र पितृसत्तावाद नै छ । हामीले सङ्घीय गणतन्त्र नेपालमा महिलाहरूका निम्ति विशेषाधिकार (महिलालाई पुरानो सामन्ती समाजले अत्यन्त बढी भेदभाव, अपमान, उत्पीडन र अत्याचार गरेकोले नयाँ राज्यले दिने क्षतिपूर्ति), परिवर्तन, गणतन्त्र र नयाँ समाजको कुरा गरिरहेका छौं ।

यहाँ डा. रेणु राजभण्डारीदेखि एउटा मुक्त कमैया र तपाईंहरूले मधेस, पहाड, पूर्व र पश्चिम मिलाएर कुरा जसरी राख्नुभयो, यसले पनि सङ्घीयताको संकेत गरेको छ । तपाईंहरूले एउटा आन्दोलनको कार्यक्रम भनेर पढेर सुनाउनुभयो, यो कार्यक्रम अगाडि बढाउनुपर्ने स्थितिको अन्त्य गर्न कमसेकम राज्यको तर्फबाट तुरुन्त पहल लिइयोस् भनेर म सरकारका प्रतिनिधिहरूसँग कुरा गर्नेछु । त्यसपछि तपाईंहरूलाई यो सरकार, यो राज्य नाङ्गो छ भन्नुपर्ने कार्यक्रमसम्म पुग्न नपरोस् भन्नेतिर मेरो जोड हुनेछ ।

माओवादीको नेतृत्वमा सरकार बन्यो भने पहिला सम्बोधन गर्ने क्रममा उत्पीडित जाति, क्षेत्र, लिङ्ग र वर्गलाई नै मैले प्राथमिकतामा राखेको छु । जनयुद्धदेखि शान्तिप्रक्रियासम्म आइपुग्दा खेरी कहीँकतै पनि उत्पीडित वर्ग, क्षेत्र, जाति र लिङ्गको कुरालाई छुटयाइएको छैन । नयाँ सरकारले यी चारवटा समस्याहरूलाई ठीक ढङ्गले सम्बोधन गर्नुपर्छ भनेर मैले प्राथमिकताक्रम बनाएको छु ।

यो देश साँच्चै परिवर्तनतिर जाने हो वा होइन भन्ने कुराको ठूलो ऐतिहासिक फैसला हुँदैछ । परिवर्तनतिर जाने तपाईं हाम्रो अपेक्षा भनेको हिजोको सामन्ती समाज र संस्कारको अन्त्य हुनु हो । समानता, स्वतन्त्रता र स्वाभिमानको एउटा नयाँ युगको सुरुआत पनि हो । तर फेरि पनि देशभित्र र देश बाहिर त्यस्ता मान्छेहरू छन्, जो पटक्कै परिवर्तन चाहँदैनन् । तर अहिले तपाईं हामी बलियो भएका छौं । तपाईं हाम्रा आवाज देशैभरि घन्किन थालेका छन् । तपाईं हामीले जितिसकेका भने छैनौं । कसले जित्छौं भन्ने कुराको ब्याटल अझै पनि चलिराखेकै छ ।

(महिला हिंसा अन्त्यको माग गर्दै माइतीघर मण्डलामा रिले अनसनमा बसेका महिलाहरूलाई बुधबार अध्यक्ष प्रचण्डले गर्नुभएको सम्बोधनको सम्पादित अंश)

- Dipak Sapkota
A large group from the Communist Organisation of Greece (KOE); including the General Secretary of KOE, Rudi Rinaldi, members of the secretariat, members and supporters of the KOE that included engineers, workers, company employees, students, teachers, and anthropologists came in the second week of June to show solidarity with and learn from the Nepalese revolution.
General Secretary Rudi said that after the Maoist victory in CA election, Nepal and the Maoist movement started getting media attention in the West: “Before the election, the Western Media didn’t even mention Nepal, but when the Maoist won the election, they were obliged to state something.”
The Greek delegation went to the Chitwan cantonment of the People’s Liberation Army. All the visitors were very proud and happy to meet the PLA. The group were given a tour of the cantonment and had an interaction with members of the PLA. The PLA were also much enthused to meet Greek Communists, and the PLA soldiers were very happy to know that even as far away as Greece people respected their stuggle. The KOE delegation presented some gifts from Greece, including a disc of Greek revolutionary songs. For the General Secretary it was very emotional and he thinks that the `Nepali people have a very strong weapon in the struggle against reactionaries, expansionist and imperialist. ‘

Before returning back to Greece, the Greek group met with Chairman Prachanda and other party central leaders. On the occasion, General Secretary Rudi presented a gift to Chairman Prachanda that symbolises the Greek civilisation. Expressing his happiness at meeting with the Maoist leadership, Rudi said it was an honour to meet the leaders of one of the successful revolutions in the world. Maoist Chairman Prachanda said the Nepali revolution had developed a new model after studying the experience of revolutions in 21st century.
Nikos Taviris was impressed in his first hour in Kathmandu. He saw Maoist posters and slogans on the walls. He found the Nepali people smiling and optimistic about the future, which he thinks is the result of Maoist revolution: “After the republic, people think they have a way out. If people think there is a future, they can do a lot of things.”
Yannis Triantafillou, a computer programmer, was impressed at the unity and the relation between the Maoist party and the masses.
Yiota Tzani saw a Red Army for the first time in her life, which she found very impressive. She was also delighted to see red flags, posters, slogans on the wall everywhere in the city. She also found out that Nepali people had a strong connection with the party. Axhikkeas Stavtou, a student, was impressed that the CPN-M had done a great job to expand its work to the every level of the society. As the KOE is trying to organise people in Greece, the experiences of Nepal, the tactics of the party, are worth learning.
Merina Bresta, who works in a company in Greece, thinks that when she will go back she will tell the people of Greece and Europe that the first revolution in the 21st century is happening in Nepal. She said: “This is the best example how things can be changed for a better world. She also hopes that Nepali revolution will win soon.
Nepal and Greece are very different in terms many aspect. Giorgos Papathanasiou, who is studying civil engineering, spoke on the differences between the two countries. He thinks that Communists in Greece need to fight against capitalism, whereas Nepali Communists have to fight against feudalism.
Many Nepali people, especially youth, look towards the West. They think the solution to their problems lies there. Many youth have a dream to go to Europe and the US. But many people in the West are looking towards the East and towards the Himalayas. Isn’t it strange? Why are the people who are aspiring for a better world looking towards the Himalayas? The student organization secretary of the KOE, Costas Costopoulos, thinks: `the revolution of Nepal is very important for all the people all around the world.’ He further said: `I think it’s a lot for us to see and hope from the struggle of Nepal.”
The journalist Stelios is impressed with friendliness of the Nepali people. He found Nepali people very tolerant. Chris Katsoulas, a member of the KOE secretariat, said that although Nepal is far behind Greece economically, they had a desire to see the revolution of Nepal, and they were pleased to be in Nepal. He thinks that despite the differences between two countries, the international language of struggle is same.

By Mark Dummett
BBC News, Kathmandu

Ram Prasad Acharya disappeared four years ago. The last time his wife, Ruku, saw him he was being dragged out of their house by soldiers, wrapped in a blanket. It was 3.45 in the morning and he was not given time to dress.

He is one of 937 Nepalese civilians who the International Committee of the Red Cross has listed as missing; their whereabouts still unknown, a year after the decade-long conflict ended.

Most of the “disappeared”, about 800, were allegedly abducted, like Ram, by the security forces, after the government declared a state of emergency in 2001, and ordered the army to crush the Maoist insurgents.

Ruku believes Ram is still alive, probably still a prisoner, but perhaps wandering the country, having lost his mind.

She is well aware that human rights organisations, and released prisoners, accuse the army of having tortured and killed detainees, and that most people think the bodies of the missing are buried in unmarked graves.

“My heart feels very heavy. Sometimes I feel like I’m going to faint, I’m absolutely terrified.”

Caught in the middle

Ruku says Ram was suspected of supporting the rebels, who then had a strong presence in their home district, Dhading, about a one-and-a-half-hour drive from Kathmandu.

Eighteen other people from the area were seized around the same time, suggesting that this was a deliberate tactic employed by local commanders.

As the owner of a small roadside restaurant, Ram would sometimes be asked by the Maoists for food.

He was not a supporter of their “People’s War”, but an innocent caught between the two sides, his wife says.

“They [the Maoists] didn’t come here very often, and there was nothing we could do to stop them.”

After he was seized, Ruku tracked him to an army barracks in the capital.

Other suspects, who were later released, told her they had met Ram there.

“We didn’t know where they had taken him at first, but then we heard he was taken to Jagadal barracks in Chhauni.

“When we went there some of the guards denied he was there. Others guards said he was, but they wouldn’t let us visit him, and they wouldn’t give us permission to talk to their officers,” Ruku said.

‘No evidence’

According to Colonel Dharma Baniya of the Nepal Army’s Human Rights Directorate, there is no record that Ram Prasad Acharya was ever a prisoner of the military.

He challenged the accuracy of the Red Cross figures, and said the victims’ relatives, like Ruku, might have confused army personnel for members of different security forces, such as the Armed Police Force.

“If we get some clues that we had done these violations we will punish the people and make these things public. But for those 800 cases there is no confirmed evidence we were involved.

“Unless some organisation or some individual comes to us with some evidence, with some proof, with some witness, we don’t believe those cases.”

Col Baniya says the army investigates all allegations made against it, and has punished 162 soldiers for committing abuses during the war.

“Maybe in South Asia we are the only country whose army is so serious about the protection and promotion of human rights,” he said.

But the families of the missing do not see it that way, and feel let down by the government alliance, which is made up of the Maoists and seven mainstream political parties.

The relatives of the missing say they feel let down by the government

When they signed their peace agreement eight months ago, they promised to reveal the truth about the disappearances within six weeks.

More recently the Supreme Court ordered a commission to be set up to investigate and pay out compensation.

“We’ve been deceived so many times,” Ruku says.

“Last year we went to the interior minister. He promised to reveal the whereabouts of all the missing within one week, but we still haven’t heard from him.”

The problem, the relatives say, is that some current government leaders supported the decision to deploy the army against the Maoists in 2001, so they do not want the truth about their brutal tactics to come out.

2०६३ चैत्र ७ गते रौतहटको गौर बजारमा भएको नृशंस नरसंहारको सन्दर्भमा विभिन्न किसिमका परस्पर अन्तरविरोधी कुरा बाहिर आइरहेका छन् । नरसंहारको वास्तविक तथ्य के हो त पत्रकारिताको दृष्टिकोणले समेत सत्य-तथ्य बुझ्न र घटनाको अध्ययन गरी यथार्थ विवरण प्रकाशमा ल्याउन विभिन्न साचारमाध्यममा कार्यरत साचारकर्मीहरुको एक स्थलगत अध्ययन टोलीले चैत्र १२ र १३ गते घटनाका प्रत्यक्षदर्शी एवं सहभागीहरु तथा जिल्ला प्रहरी प्रमुख एसपी रामकुमार खनालसँग समेत व्यापक सोधपुछपछि प्राप्त तथ्यहरुका आधारमा तयार गरिएको संक्षिप्त घटना-विवरण यसप्रकार रहेको छः (more…)

As the Nepalese people’s struggle against the autocratic feudal monarchy to establish a democratic republic hit a high point during the month of April, it coincided with the arrival from India of the Second International Road-Building Brigade. While the old oppressive and exploitative feudalist world was being attacked and dismantled in the country (more…)

भर्खरै जनसेनामा लामबद्ध भएका बासु स्मृति बि्रगेड ११औं बटालियनका चेपाङ योद्धा मुस्कान चेपाङ हुन् वा पूर्वका धेरै लडाइँमा विगत ३ वर्षदेखि भाग लिँदै आएका सोही बटालियनका करण चेपाङ । सबैको एउटै विचार छ- ूजातीय अधिकारबाट बिाचत गराइएकोले हामीले जनसेना रोज्यौं ।ू वासु स्मृति बि्रगेड ११औं बटालियनकी कम्पनी सह-कमाण्डर सृ ष्टिको भनाइ पनि फरक छैन । भन्छिन् ुदोस्रो दर्जाको नागरिकको पद्वीले अघाइयो (more…)

सुन्दादेवी मल्लिक (डोम) लाई छिमेकी र साथीहरूले मात्र होइन, आफ्नै बाबु-आमालेसमेत ‘मुसमाइत’ भनेर बोलाउन थालेको दुई वर्षभयो । मुसमाइत अर्थात् विधवा । महोत्तरी जिल्ला, सम्सी गाविस-६ की आठ वर्षीया सुन्दादेवीको उनी छ वर्षी हुँदा भारत सोनवर्षका आठ वर्षीय उदेश्य मल्लिकसँग भएको थियो । विवाहको महिना दिन नबित्दै उदेश्यको मृत्यु भएकाले सुन्दादेवीलाई सबैले यो नाम दिएका हुन् । उनलाई न विवाह भनेको के हो भन्ने मेसो छ; न त विधवा भनिनुको अर्थ नै थाहा छ । (more…)

नेत्र पन्थी/कपिलबस्तु

करिब पचास जनाको समूहमा प्रायः सबैको करिब एउटै उमेर छ । सबैको एउटै पोशाक छ । बोलीचाली भाषा र खानपिन त झनै एउटै छ । महिला र पुरुषको संख्या बराबरी देखिन्थ्यो । तर त्यस समूहमा सहभागी महिलाहरु आम नेपाली महिलाभन्दा फरक देखिन्थे । त्यो समूहमा सहभागी महिला देख्दा लाग्दथ्यो मुलुक बदल्ने जिम्मा यिनैको काँधमा छ । (more…)

This is the list of persons who are said to be disappeared by the state, the maoist and other groups. This list was prepared by National Human Rights commission. It seems that this list itself doesnot contain the whole name of disappeared persons and name of relesed persons also. see (more…)

Chhatthisgarh is a newly created state in central India, part a broad swath of remote forested lands running north and south in the country’s interior where the Communist Party of India (Maoist) has been very active. Most of the inhabitants are tribal people (Adivasi) who work as day labourers and earn much of their living from the forests – for instance, gathering and selling leaves used to make bidi cigarettes, or harvesting flowers used to make liquor. (more…)